A bit of a ‘Musical Interlude’….

March 28th, 2015

Some great Uncle Tupelo songs:

And a live show:

- BDL1983


American History X NTSC DVD

March 25th, 2015
American History X NTSC DVD American History X is a 1998 American crime drama film directed by Tony Kaye and written by David McKenna. It stars Edward Norton and Edward Furlong, and co-stars Fairuza Balk, Stacy Keach, Elliott Gould, Avery Brooks, Ethan Suplee and Beverly D'Angelo. The film was released in the United States on October 30, 1998 and was distributed by Twentieth Century Fox Film Corporation. The film tells the story of two Venice, Los Angeles brothers who become involved in the neo-Nazi movement. The older brother serves three years in prison for voluntary manslaughter, changes his beliefs and tries to prevent his brother from going down the same path. The film is told in the style of nonlinear narrative. It was given an "R" rating by the MPAA for "graphic brutal violence including rape, pervasive language, strong sexuality and nudity". Critics mostly praised the film and Norton's performance, which earned him an Academy Award nomination for Best Actor. In September 2008, Empire magazine named it the 311th Greatest Movie of All Time. Danny Vinyard (Edward Furlong), a high school student and budding neo-Nazi in Venice Beach, California, receives an assignment from Murray (Elliott Gould), his history teacher, to write a paper on "any book which relates to the struggle for human rights." Knowing Murray is Jewish, Danny writes his paper on Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf. Murray attempts to get Danny expelled for doing this, but Principal Dr. Bob Sweeney (Avery Brooks) — who is black — refuses, instead informing Danny that he will study history and current events under Sweeney, and that the class will be called "American History X." Danny's first assignment is to prepare a paper on his brother Derek (Edward Norton), a former neo-Nazi leader who has just been released from prison after serving three years for voluntary manslaughter. Danny is warned that failing to submit the paper the next morning will result in his expulsion. The rest of the movie alternates between a series of vignettes from Danny and Derek's shared past (distinguished by being shown in black and white), and present day events (shown in color). Derek and Danny's father is Dennis Vinyard (William Russ), a firefighter who displays racist tendencies in reaction to the news that Derek's English teacher, Dr. Sweeney, had assigned Richard Wright's novel Native Son. He also reveals himself to be anti-affirmative action, as well as against political correctness. Sent on a call to fight a fire in a drug den, Dennis is murdered by black drug dealers. In a television interview conducted after Dennis's death, Derek erupts in a long racist tirade. Shortly thereafter, Cameron Alexander (Stacy Keach) and Derek form a white supremacist gang called the D.O.C. A skilled basketball player, Derek is reluctantly dragged into a 5-on-5 game against several members of the Crips in which the prize is control of the recreation center basketball courts. Derek and his friends win the game. Later that evening, Derek leads a large gang of skinheads to attack a supermarket that has now lawfully been taken over and owned by a Korean who was accused of hiring Mexicans to take control of the store. They wreck the store, robbing it, and Derek tortures an African-American woman before escaping after the robbery. The next day, his mother Doris (Beverly D'Angelo) invites Murray, whom she is dating, home for dinner. A dinnertime discussion about Rodney King and police brutality turns into a full-blown argument between Derek and Murray. When Derek reveals his swastika tattoo and threatens Murray with violence for "invading his family", Murray leaves and Doris orders Derek out of her home. That night, as Derek and his girlfriend Stacey (Fairuza Balk) have sex, Danny hears people (the three gang members whom Derek beat at basketball) attempting to steal Derek's truck. Derek grabs a pistol and heads outside. He shoots one of the thieves to death and curb stomps another. Immediately arrested, Derek is sentenced to three years at the California Institution for Men in Chino. Derek is given a job in the prison laundry and is assigned to be the partner of Lamont (Guy Torry), a black man who is serving six years for assault. Lamont stole a television set from a store and broke the arresting officer's foot when he accidentally dropped the television on it. The pair develop a rapport from their shared love of basketball. In prison, Derek joins the Aryan Brotherhood but, after about a year, he becomes disillusioned with the racist gang, particularly over the group's hypocritical friendly relations with a Mexican gang member, and their trafficking of narcotics. In response to Derek's criticisms, Aryan Brotherhood members savagely beat and rape him in the shower. While recovering from the attack, Derek is visited by Sweeney, whom he asks for help to be paroled. Sweeney informs him of Danny's involvement with neo-Nazis, and warns that he is on the same path as his older brother. Sweeney confesses that he hated white people as a youth, but eventually realized that hatred is pointless. Derek further distances himself from the Aryan Brotherhood and changes his outlook on life. He spends the remainder of his time in prison alone, reading books that Sweeney sends him. He fears that the prison's black inmates will attack him, but they leave him alone, thanks to Lamont's persuasion. Finally realizing the error of his ways, Derek leaves prison a changed man. In the evening that Derek returns home from prison, he finds that Danny has a D.O.C. tattoo. Derek tries to persuade Danny to leave the gang. Later that night, they both go to a neo-Nazi party, where Derek tells the leader, Cameron, that he and Danny will no longer associate with the neo-Nazi movement. Cameron provokes Derek, who beats him up. In response, Danny's neo-Nazi friend Seth Ryan (Ethan Suplee) runs after Derek and aims a pistol at him, which Derek wrestles from him and points at the angry crowd before running away. Danny angrily confronts Derek, who tells him about his experience in prison, which seems to prompt a change in Danny. Back at their home, they remove all the white power posters from their bedroom walls. The following morning, Danny finishes his paper and Derek gets ready for a meeting with his parole officer. Derek walks Danny to school before his meeting, and on their way they stop at a diner where they are met by Sweeney and a police officer. They tell Derek that Cameron and Seth were attacked the previous night and have been hospitalized. At school, Danny is confronted by a young black student named Little Henry, with whom he had a confrontation the previous day. Little Henry pulls out a gun and shoots Danny in the chest, killing him. When Derek arrives at the school, he runs into the bathroom and tearfully cradles his dead brother in his arms. The film ends with a voice over of Danny reading the final lines of his paper for Dr. Sweeney. Stating "Hate is baggage. Life's too short to be pissed off all the time. It's just not worth it." and then quoting the final stanza of Abraham Lincoln's first inaugural address.

Viking Raven Black & Red Patch

March 23rd, 2015
Viking Raven Black & Red Patch Black and red Viking Raven flag patch. About 3" tall and 3" wide at the top. Comes in a nice plastic pouch.

Klänge der Bewegung (Compilation) Compact Disc

March 22nd, 2015
Klänge der Bewegung (Compilation) Compact Disc Klänge der Bewegung This incredible compilation cd features some of Europe and North America's top WP bands! The 17 tracks are showcased in a beautiful DVD packaging with a full color booklet and artwork. This is a MUST HAVE: Agnar: Was Ist Geschenen Confident Of Victory: Prepare Sleipnir: Offne Deine Augen Sleipnir: Schau Dich An Sturm & Drang: I Feel Sick Sturm & Drang: Respect Kurzer Prozess: Wehrmacht Kurzer Prozess: Der Heilige Feldzug Final Stand: Our Glory Final Stand: Fiery Cross Eugenik: Vergeltung Nordfront: Die Zeitbombe Tickt Nordfront: Niedersachsenlied Final War: A New Day Arises Final War: Forever More Final War:: Glory Unending Cut Throat: Grips Of Fear Mp3 Downloads: Confident of Victory - Prepare (6.8 mb) Final War - Glory Unending {Acoustic} (3.7 mb) Sampler mit folgenden Bands: Agnar, Sturm & Drang, Confident of Victory, Sleipnir, Eugenik, Nordfront, Final Stand, Kurzer Prozess, Final War und Cut Throat, alles neu eingespielte Lieder. Die Spieldauer dieses Höhepunkts beträgt über 1 Stunde. Musikalisch geht es sehr abwechslungsreich zur Sache, von Rockballaden, RAC-Klängen bis hin zu Hatecore-Einflüssen ist alles dabei. Die Aufmachung kommt in einer DVD-Box heraus und in dieser befindet sich ein Heft mit Fotos und Texten der Bands. Ich kann nur jedem raten dieses Teil sein eigen zu nennen, da es kein Fehlkauf sein kann bei solch Auswahl an verschiedenen Musikrichtungen und außerdem ist die Auswahl der Bands wohl gut getroffen. Leider musste man an paar Liedern Beschneidungen vornehmen, wobei man dies wohl bei einem Lied nur raushört. Desweiteren unterstützt dieser Sampler inhaftierte Kameraden. Unbedingt zuschlagen!

NEW XL Man’s Thor Steinar Isfjell Brown Polyester Jacket

March 22nd, 2015
NEW XL Man's Thor Steinar Isfjell Brown Polyester Jacket Warm lined, slightly waisted short jacket with polar fleece in the diagonal pockets, additional pockets are affixed on chest and hip height. Additional tailoring is possible via adjuster in the back. Integrated into the stand-up collar is a hood. A pleat on the back of the sleeve ensures mobility. All buttons are secured from tearing. The inside of the jacket is equipped with a zip pocket and a mobile phone pocket. A metal patch on the sleeve. The pocket buttons are embossed with runes. Upper material: 100% nylon Inside material: 100% polyester Padding quilted: 100% polyester. Only ONE brand new jacket available in X Large.

Let’s Get Strood Moving

March 19th, 2015

WP_20150319_026

Mark Reckless, MP for Rochester and Strood, has launched a consultation on his proposals to improve traffic flow to and through Strood town centre.

Local residents in Strood and Rochester have been plagued for years by poor traffic flow through this key part of Medway.

Mark Reckless is consulting residents on the following proposals:

  1. Introducing traffic lights at Darnley Arch roundabout;
  2. Changes to Commercial Road between B&Q and McDonalds;
  3. Creating a new one way Strood-bound road from Rochester Bridge through to Strood Retail Park and Knights Road; and
  4. Improvements to the Medway City Estate exit.

Mark Reckless MP said:

“I have received numerous complaints from residents about traffic problems in Strood, and it is becoming noticeably worse with many drivers sitting in gridlocked traffic. Traffic congestion is a threat to businesses and future investment in our towns, and has a direct impact on the quality of life for local residents.

Councillors on Medway Council’s planning committee recently approved plans which will see the existing slip road into Strood Retail Park, despite my objections, removed, which is only likely to exacerbate the situation.

We now need urgent action to get Strood moving. Over the coming weeks I will be consulting residents in Strood and Rochester on a number of proposals aimed at easing congestion and cutting journey times to and through Strood.

I would urge all residents and people who travel through Strood to take part in my consultation to ensure we have a road system in Strood which works for and not against local residents and businesses.”

Have Your Say

Please complete the web form below to have your say on which of the following ideas you support:

map

1: Introduce traffic lights at Darnley Arch roundabout. Rush hour queues to the A228 roundabout at its junction with Darnley and Northcote Roads are unacceptably long. Following works at Darnley Arch, the next step could be to replace the current roundabout with a crossroads junction controlled by traffic lights to improve traffic flow.

2: Changes to Commercial Road between B&Q and McDonalds. Traffic currently flows poorly where two separate lanes of traffic enter Commercial Road opposite B&Q. One lane, which is London or Cuxton bound from Rochester, meets one turning right from Strood High Street. Traffic need not merge at that point, as Commercial Road has two lanes, but vehicles often stop as it they need to merge. This worsens Rochester bound queues that can stretch back up the A2 in Strood beyond the 30mph signs and Woodstock/Castle View Roads junctions. Changes could also cut queues in Rochester on the A2 and Esplanade.

A physical lane divider as vehicles enter Commercial Road could therefore improve traffic flow. Better road marking to show that both A2 and A228 traffic can then use the left lane could also help, as could extending the third filter lane for A228 traffic turning left. However, these changes could probably only be implemented if we were to remove one of the three pedestrian crossings we currently have on this 200 yard stretch of road.

3: New one way Strood-bound road from bridge to B&Q and Morrisons car parks. There are almost constant delays on the A2 from Rochester bridge through to Knight Road. One way to relieve those delays would be to divert traffic heading to the Retail Park or to Morrisons onto the left filter road previously used to access the now demolished Strood Civic Centre. That road could potentially be extended around the current car park there, through the railway arch, and onto the road that runs between the Strood Retail Park and Morrisons car parks. We could then install traffic lights to improve traffic flow where that new one-way new road met Knight Road.

4: Medway City Estate exit improvements. In the near term a third lane exiting Medway City Estate, along with traffic lights some distance back on the Gillingham side of the tunnel to ensure gaps in traffic, should help reduce afternoon queues to leave the estate. Senior council officers also now appear to have agreed the proposal by Mark Reckless to build a new third lane for Strood-bound traffic from the Estate up to the Sans Pareil roundabout. We may not then need to open the Canal Road exit to vehicles other than buses.

[contact-form]

American History X – Full Screen Edition [Blu-ray]

March 18th, 2015
American History X - Full Screen Edition [Blu-ray] Derek Vinyard (Edward Norton) is dangerous, a coiled fury of hate who leads a skinhead crew. But time and events start to change him. He reassesses his ways while doing time for manslaughter and emerges from prison eager to keep his younger brother (Edward Furlong) from falling victim to the vicious cycle of violence and payback. It may be too late. Blu-Ray disc also contains deleted scenes and theatrical trailer. Format: Multiple Formats, AC-3, Blu-ray, Color, Dolby, NTSC, Subtitled, Widescreen Language: English (Dolby Digital 5.1 ES Matrix), English (Dolby TrueHD 5.1) Subtitles: English, Spanish Dubbed: Spanish Region: Region A/1 (North America, Central America, South America, Japan, North Korea, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Southeast Asia) Aspect Ratio: 1.85:1 Studio: New Line Home Video DVD Release Date: April 7, 2009

The War on White Australia: A Case Study in the Culture of Critique, Part 1 of 5

March 18th, 2015

Note: I’m REPOSTING this article because bugger-all White Australians know about the Jewish role in disposing of the White Australia Policy. White Australians – memorise the Jewish names mentioned so you can rattle them off when quizzed on the subject. (People listen if you actually know what you’re talking about… well, they might…..)

From The Occidental Observer:

By Brenton Sanderson

Results from the 2011 Australian Census reveal that, for the first time in that nation’s history, the majority of migrants are now arriving from Asia instead of Europe. Indians and Chinese have become the fastest growing sections of the Australian population. Between 2006 and 2011 the number of Australian permanent residents born in India increased by 100 per cent, those born in China increased by 54 per cent, while those born in the Philippines by 42 per cent. These startling figures do not even include those born in Australia to Indian or Chinese parents. The Census also revealed that other non-White immigrant groups are also expanding rapidly, including various African groups. All of this is dismal news for White Australians and, indeed, for White people everywhere. Unfortunately, these figures only mirror what is happening throughout the West, where White people are under demographic and cultural siege from race-replacing levels of Third World immigration and the official embrace of “multiculturalism.”

In just a few decades these malignant policies have transformed Western societies to the detriment of their European-derived populations and culture. It is a remarkable fact that this revolution in immigration and social policy throughout the West occurred at around the same time (1962-1973), and that in all countries these changes reflected the attitude of elites rather than the great mass of citizens. Changes in immigration policy and the imposition of multiculturalism were imposed on resentful European populations despite overwhelming popular opposition to non-European immigration. The driving force behind this totally undemocratic shift in policy was the Jewish intellectual movements and ethno-political activism that Kevin MacDonald documented in The Culture of Critique. For those aware of the pivotal role of Jews in driving the demographic and cultural transformation of the United States, the story of the Jewish role in radically reengineering Australian society will have a depressingly familiar ring to it.

Australia was the last habitable continent settled by Europeans. In 1901 the British colonies of Australia federated to form an independent nation. The first Act passed by the new federal parliament was the Immigration Restriction Act which, through imposing a dictation test in any European language (usually English), effectively barred non-White immigration to Australia. Until the cultural revolution of the 1960s, Australia remained an unashamedly White Christian nation with a strong Anglo-Celtic ethnic base. Indeed the long-running (now defunct) news magazine The Bulletin maintained the slogan “Australia for the White Man” on its masthead until 1961. By 1947 the non-European population, other than Aborigines, was measured at 0.25 per cent of the total. As a result of the Immigration Restriction Act, Australia had become, by this time, one of the Whitest countries in the world. Ian Cook makes the point that “The ‘White Australia’ policy was a fairly self-conscious and explicit attempt to protect a particular genetic inheritance from being diluted by other genetic lines.”[i] The policy was extraordinarily successful in this endeavor, and the historian Eric Richards observes that, in retrospect, it is extraordinary that so remote a settlement could maintain such a homogeneous population composition.[ii]

Australia and New Zealand were also the two most “British” societies outside the United Kingdom, and Australia was, proportionately, the most Irish society outside Ireland. The imperial loyalties of the Australian colonists were often explained by reference to the “crimson thread of kinship” that existed between Britain and Australia. Australian identity was founded upon three distinct yet interrelated components: racial Whiteness, “Britishness,” and “Australianness.”[iii] The attempted Japanese invasion of northern Australia in WWII proved that the longstanding fear of an Asian invasion (the “Yellow Peril”) was far from the neurotic, xenophobic anxiety disparaged by today’s politically correct historians. In the 1960s there was no popular movement for ending the White Australia policy, a policy that had retained the bipartisan support of Australia’s political class since its inception in 1901. Indeed, Richards notes that “Australia’s adherence to ‘Whiteness’ was its defining characteristic,” and that “None of the other great immigrant countries was able to sustain such a degree of homogeneity.”[iv] Hawkins makes the point that

the primary and identical motivation of Canadian and Australian politicians in trying to exclude first the Chinese, then other Asian migrants and finally all potential non-white immigrants, was the desire to build and preserve societies and political systems in their hard-won, distant lands very like those of the United Kingdom. They also wished to establish without challenge the primary role there of her founding peoples of European origin. … Undisputed ownership of these territories of continental size was felt to be confirmed forever, not only by the fact of possession, but by the hardships and dangers endured by the early explorers and settlers; the years of back-breaking work to build the foundations of urban and rural life. … The idea that other peoples, who had taken no part in these pioneering efforts, might simply arrive in large numbers to exploit important local resources, or to take advantage of these earlier settlement efforts, was anathema.[v]     

Tied in with these natural and legitimate expressions of racial and ethnic solidarity, were concerns hordes of non-White immigrants would drive down the wages and living standards of White Australians. This was a key part of the original rationale for the White Australia policy as articulated by Alfred Deakin, Australia’s first Attorney-General, who argued that

a white Australia does not by any means just mean the preservation of the complexion of the people of this country. It means the multiplying of homes, so that we may be able to defend every part of our continent; it means the maintenance of conditions of life fit for white men and white women; it means equal laws and opportunities for all; it means protection against underpaid labour of other lands, it means the payment of fair wages. A white Australia means a civilisation whose foundations are built on healthy lives, lived in honest toil, under circumstances which imply no degradation; a white Australia means protection.”[vi]  

An analogous view had been expressed as early as 1841 by James Stephen, the powerful head of the British colonial office in London, who declared that Australia should be a land “where the English race shall be spread from sea to sea unmixed with any lower caste.” He maintained that the introduction of Indian “coolies” into New South Wales would “debase by their intermixture the noble European race… bring with them the idolatry and debasing habits of their country… beat down the wages of poor laboring Europeans… [and] cut off the resource for many of our own distressed people.”[vii] Charles Pearson, a British scholar who migrated to the colonies in the late nineteenth century, published a book entitled National Life and Character in 1893. In it, he described Australia as “an unexampled instance of a great continent that has been left for the first civilized people that found it to take and occupy. He warned, nevertheless, that it was still questionable whether the white races would be able to hold on to it in the face of the Asiatic threat:

We know that coloured and white labour cannot exist side by side; we are well aware that China can swamp us with a single year’s surplus of population; and we know that if national existence is sacrificed to the working of a few mines and sugar plantations, it is not the Englishman and Australian alone, but the whole civilized world, that will be the losers.[viii]

Such concerns echoed through the decades of the White Australia policy, where the country explicitly defined its nationhood in terms of Whiteness and a policy of economic protectionism designed to benefit the entire group by preventing, say, Australian capitalists from importing cheap labor that would undercut the standard of living of other White Australians. The policy reflected the desire of Australians to build a strong and prosperous society founded upon the principles of racial and cultural homogeneity and fairness within the racial group. Gwenda Tavan notes that the White Australia policy was a “morally imbued affirmation of the type of society Australians wanted to build: white and British-Australian as well as cohesive, conformist, liberal-democratic and egalitarian.”[ix] One commentator reflected this view when noting in 1939 that “The Australian prides himself on his high standard of living; he wishes to do nothing that will endanger it. Neither does he wish to bring into being a colour problem such as he sees in South Africa.”[x]

 

Early twentieth century Australian poster

Rather than being driven by any shift in public opinion, the impetus for the progressive dismantling of the White Australia policy, and the move from assimilation to multiculturalism between 1966 and 1975 came “from a small group of reformers that began appearing in some Australian universities in the 1960s” who, like their counterparts in the United States and Britain, soon comprised a hostile intellectual, academic and media elite who “developed a sense of being a member of a morally and intellectually superior ingroup battling against Australian parochial non-intellectuals as an outgroup.”[xi] In the changing ideological climate of the 1950s and 1960s, the moral foundations of Australia’s British history were subjected to radical criticism, and once foundational patriotic works like Keith Hancock’s Australia (with its maxim that “among the Australians pride of race counted for more than love of country”) were no longer compulsory reading for students. [xii]

Boasian anthropology and the fall of White Australia

The Boasian ideology of racial egalitarianism (discussed in Chapter 2 of The Culture of Critique as a Jewish intellectual movement) was a critical weapon in opening Australian immigration up to non-White groups. Jewish academic Jon Stratton notes that the dismantling of the White Australia policy and the ultimate adoption of multiculturalism was a direct result of “internal and external pressures related to a general turning away from biological racialism.”[xiii] The Australian Jewish academic Andrew Markus articulates the standard critique of “white racism” that became prominent in the 1960s when he asserts that it was based on the notion that

(i) as a result of some (undefined) “natural” process, national groups (or ‘races’ or ‘cultures’) have inborn (‘essential’) qualities which will never alter; and (ii) there are inherent characteristics in such groups which interpose barriers against harmonious co-existence, not least against interbreeding of populations. Such ideas give rise to closed forms of nationalism which restrict membership to those qualified by birth or descent, in contrast to open forms which grant citizenship to individuals on the basis of residence and adherence to the governing principles of the nation. They justified European colonial rule; the denial of basic human rights and citizenship; segregation in the workplace, housing and education; and policies of genocide culminating in the “factories of death” established in the period of Nazi domination of continental Europe. Rarely challenged in western societies prior to 1940, the idea of biological racial difference lost much of its legitimacy in the aftermath of the Holocaust.[xiv]

It is obvious from this statement just how closely acceptance of the myth of racial equality from the 1960s onwards was bound up with Jewish post-Holocaust ethno-political activism. Note also the outright lies and hypocrisy in the above paragraph. The “(undefined) ‘natural’ process” that Markus claims is the wholly irrational basis for “racism” is the very well-defined process of human evolution itself. The differential evolution of human groups in response to selection pressures imposed by diverse environments, resulted, after thousands of years, in differences in external morphology and psychological traits—including intelligence as measured by IQ tests. The average intelligence of a group will profoundly influence the society that will be created by that group. There is nothing undefined, irrational, or pseudo-scientific about this whatsoever.

Professor Andrew Markus: Propagating “noble lies”

In his description of “closed” forms of nationalism which restrict “membership to those qualified by birth or descent” Markus could be describing traditional Judaism, with its strict endogamy and built-in assumptions of Jewish racial, intellectual and moral superiority. As always, however, Judaism is outside the critical frame of reference of such reflexively anti-White Jewish intellectuals. Jewish ethno-nationalism (exemplified in Israel’s racially restrictive immigration laws) is tacitly held to be legitimate and uncontroversial (indeed a moral imperative), while White nationalism is inherently illegitimate and morally corrupt.

The rampant hypocrisy of this is particularly striking given that Australian Jews have “been at the forefront of support for the right of the state of Israel to exist as a Jewish state, to determine its own security agenda, and to do what is needed to ensure its own survival.”[xv]  Indeed, the academic and Australian Jewish activist Danny Ben Moshe points out that Australian Jewry is fiercely Zionist and “outdoes all other Diasporas in their commitment to Israel.” A 1993 survey of Melbourne Jewry found that 63 per cent had visited Israel with over 40 per cent having done so two or more times. This is compared with 36 per cent of American Jews. Australia also has the highest rate of aliyah in the world.[xvi] While strongly in favor of non-White immigration and racial-mixing among the non-Jews in Australia, a publication like the Australian Jewish News can openly express the view that for Jews, “Intermarriage has always been and will always be an individual, spiritual and communal tragedy. No amount of petty rationalising will ever change that.”[xvii]

Noting the incredible hypocrisy involved in simultaneously condemning white racialism while defending the Jewish ethno-nationalist state of Israel (and traditional Jewish prohibitions against intermarriage), Kevin MacDonald observes in The Culture of Critique that:

Ironically, many intellectuals who absolutely reject evolutionary thinking and any imputation that genetic self-interest might be important in human affairs also favor policies that are rather self-interestedly ethnocentric, and they often condemn the self-interested ethnocentric behavior of other groups, particularly any indication that the European-derived majority… is developing a cohesive group strategy and high levels of ethnocentrism in reaction to the groups strategies of others. …  A Jew maintaining this argument should, to retain intellectual consistency, agree that the traditional Jewish concern with endogamy and consanguinity has been irrational. Moreover, such a person would also believe that Jews ought not attempt to retain political power in Israel because there is no rational reason to suppose that any particular group should have power anywhere. Nor should Jews attempt to influence the political process … in such a manner as to disadvantage another group or benefit their own. And to be logically consistent, one should also apply this argument to all those who promote immigration of their own ethnic groups, the mirror image of group-based opposition to such immigration.[xviii]  

Since the academic world is international and hierarchical, it was inevitable that intellectual movements originating in elite American universities spread throughout the West (see “Liberal Bias in Academia: The role of Jewish academics in the creation and maintenance of academic liberalism“) As a consequence of the growing influence of the Jewish intellectual movements described in The Culture of Critique, and direct Jewish activism in Australia, “Such views [i.e. the assumption racial equality] became standard within schools and universities and provided the intellectual basis for campaigns against racial discrimination in the late 1950s and 1960s.”[xix] Tavan notes that: “As a result of these shifts, universities in particular became ‘hotbeds of resistance’ to White Australia during the late 1950s and early 1960s. … The emergence of a body of Marxist-inspired social theory in Europe and the United States at that time also reinvigorated radical left-wing political theory in Australia.” For Tavan, the new critical theory of the Frankfurt School “played a crucial role in exposing the racist underpinnings of many of Australia’s key institutions and values.”[xx] The Frankfurt School abandoned the White working class because they were insufficiently radical and had succumbed to fascism in Germany and Italy. This caused them to reject the orthodox Marxist emphasis on class struggle, replacing it by advocating non-White immigration and multiculturalism, as well as recruiting Whites who had complaints against the traditional culture, particularly feminists and sexual minorities, into a new coalition of the left.

With the adoption in 1963 of the UN Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, member governments were urged to eliminate racial discrimination from their society altogether. Internal intellectual currents were thus augmented by mounting external political opposition to the White Australia policy, especially during the years of European decolonization in Africa and Asia. Eric Richards notes how

Prime Minister Menzies [1949-1966] was increasingly vexed by the intrusion of racial and immigration issues at meetings of Commonwealth Heads of Government. Menzies (and even more vehemently, one of his successors, John Gorton) loathed the way in which he was lectured on the “principle of racial equality” by newcomer members of the Commonwealth. Menzies and Gorton [1968-1971] believed that Australia’s immigration policy was perfectly defensible and, in any case, none of their business. But the die was already cast. Australia in the 1960s felt pressure from within and from beyond, and its immigration policy was a growing embarrassment.[xxi]    

Senior Australian public servants serving on a committee formed to respond to the changed situation agreed in 1964 that “there was an urgent need to remove, as far as practicable, instances of racial discrimination in Australia in order to ensure Australia’s international reputation and influence are not to be seriously endangered.”[xxii] In response to these internal and external pressures, the administrative apparatus of the White Australia policy was gradually dismantled from the mid-1960s, until, in 1974, the then Labor Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam (1972-1975), declared in a speech that: “On Immigration, we have removed the last remaining pieces of legislation which could be described as discriminatory on racial grounds.”[xxiii]

According to the Australian academic and multicultural activist Bronwyn Hinz, this policy change merely formalized shifts in policy approach that had begun in the 1960s in response to reforms to the United States migration policy.[xxiv] Richards observes that this “hesitating shift towards a non-discriminatory Australia” triggered “a social and demographic revolution” in Australia[xxv] In both America and Australia, Jewish intellectual movements and political activism were pivotal in driving this revolution. The national editor of the Australian Jewish News, Dan Goldberg proudly acknowledges this, noting that: “In addition to their activism on Aboriginal issues, Jews were instrumental in leading the crusade against the White Australia policy, a series of laws from 1901 to 1973 that restricted non-White immigration to Australia.” The exact nature of this crusade will be explored in subsequent parts of this essay. 

Source Article & References

Part 2 of 5 – The History of Judaism in Australia -

Part 3 of 5 – Walter Lippmann – The Jewish architect of Australian Multiculturalism

Part 4 of 5 – Opposition to multiculturalism in Australia and the Jewish response

Part 5 of 5 – Jewish anti-White activism and Australia’s Aborigines

An absolutely irrefutable, superb series of articles proving why we say it’s the Jews behind our “multicultural” woes in Australia.

- BDL1983


NEW XL Woman’s Thor Steinar Askild Marine Dark Blue Polyester Jacket

March 16th, 2015
NEW XL Woman's Thor Steinar Askild Marine Dark Blue Polyester Jacket Figure-hugging quilted jacket with elaborate details, ideal for transition. Stand-up collar; two chest pockets closable via press buttons; two hip pockets closable via press buttons; closable waist belt; embroidered chest motive; embroidery in the back on the waist belt; metal label on leather on the collar middle in the back; embossed press buttons; upper material: 100% polyester; lining: 100% polyester micro fleece. Only ONE brand new jacket available in X Large.

White Lives Matter #WhiteLivesMatter T-Shirt

March 14th, 2015
White Lives Matter #WhiteLivesMatter T-Shirt We hear on the news 24/7 that Black Lives Matter. Do White Lives Matter? If it's acceptable for all other races to be proud of their heritage and history, why is it that Whites are forced to feel ashamed and full of guilt? Enough. It is not racist to be proud of what you are and it is not racist to proclaim that WHITE LIVES MATTER! You can tell the world with this simple message - #WHITELIVESMATTER Available in: Small, Medium, Large, X-Large, XX Large & XXX Large (XXL & XXXL are $4 extra)