Posts Tagged ‘South Africa’

The Battle of Sandfontein, 1914

Thursday, October 11th, 2012

The campaigns in Africa, especially in the deserts of Namibia, were dominated by supplies, or lack thereof, of water.

South African General Sir Henry Lukin ought to have realized that the Germans wouldn’t let the wells of Sandfontein be captured without a fight the moment his column, known as Force A, occupied the watering hole in early September, but it didn’t unduly concern him or any of the British colony’s generals.

The commander of Germany‘s Schutztruppe (colonial defence force), Heydebreck, was a far better tactician and general.  The Schutztruppe of German South West Africa would provide a brilliant resistance that would incorporate native troops, German troops, and aircraft into a problematic front for the British high command.

Command of the German colony would make a Boer rebellion under Manie Maritz a possibility that would deny Great Britain many South African reinforcements in vital fronts such as 1914 Belgium and France, and East Africa.

In the end, however, numbers prevailed and in June 1915 the colony was surrendered by governor Seitz to Boer general Botha who commanded 60,000 troops and acted as the British representative.

The 1914 portion of the campaign was marked mainly with a string of German victories, despite the landing of 8,000 enemy troops at Luederitzbucht.  The most notable of these battles took place at Sandfontein, and opened on 26 September 1914.  The British, both Lukin and Colonel Grant, ought to have detected the German trap, but fortunately for the Germans they were entirely ignorant of it.

A large force of 135 officers, 2,463 soldiers, and 522 natives 4 thirteen pounder guns and 4,347 animals marched to the water.  The men had gone a long time in the hot sun without water, and the animals were near collapse from dehydration, and consequently little protection was set up as all the men and animals stood gathering water, with the entire formation exposed to the surrounding heights where the Germans hid.

The Germans pounced with a lesser force of 1,700 riflemen, mostly native, but all officers were German, and 4 machine gun teams and 10 artillery pieces.  After stocking up on water, a patrol was sent out, and soon returned with heavy losses and under heavy fire.  The Schutztruppe laid down a deadly cover of machine gun fire and advanced through the rocky hills toward the enemy at the wells.

Colonel Grant, whose force had come to reinforce Lukin’s small police garrison, now took command.  He made an organized and successful retreat to a defensive perimeter around the nearby Kopje mountain.  There was only a small building there and it was turned into a hospital and stable for the animals.  Mobility for the South Africans became a major problem with heavy machine gun fire pouring all over the mountain, one of the German guns was extremely well placed and had an excellent range of fire with good defences and caused significant numbers of casualties.

The South Africans soon found that their telephone lines back to Ramans Drift had all been cut.  They were surrounded with no way to call for reinforcements.  The South African artillery, placed near the base of the mountain next to the improvised hospital, opened up and stung back at the Germans, but the German artillery returned with greater fire.  The South African guns may have been outnumbered, but they continually repositioned and were extremely effective in determining range.  They returned far more fire than expected, but were eventually knocked out.

The German guns then moved forward to within 1,200 yards of the northern face of Mount Kopje.  The Germans commenced lobbing shells into the South African position, and the machine gun fire continued.  The South Africans couldn’t even return fire, despite multiple attempts.  Only half an hour after the Germans brought their guns foreword, the South Africans hoisted a white flag, and the engagement ended.

The second the fire ceased, both German and South African troops raced for the wells in no-man’s land where they congregated with great friendliness.  A later South African account congratulated von

Heydebreck on his chivalry in dealing with his newly acquired prisoners.  He sat and discussed the battle with Grant and congratulated him on his gallant defence.

When it came to burying the dead, the Germans gave the same honours to the enemy dead as they did their own.  Heydebreck did what seemed impossible, he took an outnumbered force and ambushed the enemy with such overwhelming fire that they didn’t even have the ability to attempt a break out, and then pummelled them with artillery, machine gun fire, and constant raids that forced them to surrender.  He was another example of how German commanders at the start of the First World War far surpassed the capabilities of their enemy counterparts.

Shortly after his great victory, Heydebreck died in an unfortunate accident.  His replacement was Lieutenant Colonel Franke, who showed skill that in some respects surpassed that of Germany’s other great generals of Africa.

Shortly after taking command he stormed the South African fort Nautilia with just 600 men and decisively defeated the 800 man garrison.  It was the last in a string of the German colony’s notable victories.  Between the two German victories, air power was deployed to great effect.  The three German aircraft in the colony performed reconnaissance and bombing runs.

In one instance improvised bombs were made out of stovepipes and artillery shells were dropped on the enemy at Haalen Burg on two separate occasions.  The first on the 12th of November failed, but a second on the 29th succeeded in wounding four men, killing a fifth, and damaging some vital heavy artillery equipment.  Similar air raids took place in other regions of German controlled Namibia.

Eventually the Schutztruppe succumbed to the enemy’s numbers, around 60,000, and surrendered after more than a year of effective resistance.  With the surrender, Germany lost control of perhaps the most profitable of her colonies.  Namibia, to this day, remains a valuable source of diamond and copper mining.  Despite the rocky desert that covered most of the country, much of the land provided excellent farming capabilities.

In the end, the campaigns of German South West Africa proved successful for the Germans in that it delayed the mobilisation of South African troops against the stronger German presence in East Africa, and prevented any shipment of South African troops to Europe during the decisive battles of 1914.

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Life for pensioner’s rape, murder

Saturday, September 22nd, 2012

Tzaneen, Limpopo – A Limpopo man has been jailed for life by the High Court sitting in Tzaneen for killing and raping an elderly woman, police said on Friday.

Solomon Mzamani Mathebula, 36, was sentenced on Thursday for killing 74-year-old Maria Tsatsawani Matsheke in Malamulele on February 5 last year, Colonel Ronel Otto said.

Matsheke’s body was found at her home with her breast and lips cut. She was raped before being killed. The house had been broken into. – Sapa

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South Africa Massacre: Miners Charged over Colleagues’ Deaths

Friday, August 31st, 2012

The decision late Thursday by South Africa’s state prosecutors to use a notorious apartheid-era law to charge 270 striking miners with the murder of 34 of their colleagues — men who were actually shot dead by the police, as recorded by numerous television crews — marks a bizarre new low in a bloody scandal that threatens to strip the country’s postapartheid state of what remains of its moral authority. National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) spokesman Frank Lesenyego announced “34 counts of murder have been laid against the 270 accused” over the shooting by armed police of 34 fellow miners at the Lonmin platinum mine at Marikana in northern South Africa on Aug. 16. The miners, who walked out the week before in a protest over pay, which rapidly deteriorated into a violent turf war between two rival unions, were being charged under a law dating back to 1956 known as “common purpose,” said Lesenyego, in which members of a crowd present when a crime is committed can be prosecuted for incitement. In other words: the state says the miners provoked the police to kill them.

(PHOTOS: The Bloody Scenes at Marikana)

The law was used as a catchall by South Africa’s white supremacist apartheid regime to convict black antiapartheid leaders for, say, leading a march or demonstration where some crime was committed. Its application against the miners is, according to renegade youth leader Julius Malema, expelled from the ruling African National Congress (ANC) this year: “Madness. The policemen who killed those people are not in custody, not even one of them.” In a Twitter message, the head of the Congress of South African Trade Unions, Zwelinzima Vavi, called the state’s actions “bizarre” and something that “could not be described through words.” In an online commentary, South African legal expert Pierre de Vos also described the charges “bizarre and shocking” and added they amounted to “a flagrant abuse of the criminal justice system, probably in an effort to protect the police and/or politicians.”

The NPA’s decision came hours after the publication of an investigation by Pulitzer Prize–winning South African photographer Greg Marinovich in which he suggested that at least 14 of the 34 dead miners had not been killed in the volley of automatic fire captured by television crews on Aug. 16. Marinovich’s pictures showed a series of gullies and passageways between a group of large boulders nearby where state forensic teams had marked the position of 14 bodies — gullies that, as Marinovich reported, seemed too narrow to allow for the possibility of anything but close-range executions. The journalist also quoted a number of eyewitnesses who corroborated his interpretation of events, saying that after the initial killings, police had moved into the boulders and shot or run over an indeterminate number of protesting miners.

(MORE: After Marikana, How Social Inequality Can Unravel South Africa’s Success)

With 25% unemployment, widespread poverty, inequality that has actually increased since apartheid, epidemic violent crime and the world’s biggest HIV/AIDS population — affecting 10% of South Africa’s population of 50 million — South Africa today is all too aware that what came after Nelson Mandela and the ANC defeated apartheid in 1994 turned out to be something of an anticlimax. But the Marikana massacre has laid bare in unprecedented and extraordinary fashion the depth of the failings of the ANC state. One legacy of Mandela’s righteousness and the ANC’s victory over white racism has been electoral invulnerability. The party has won five general elections in a row and as a result, its critics say, is immune to criticism or accountability and — thus untouchable — indulges itself in an orgy of self-enrichment and criminal arrogance. Until Marikana, many of those critics appeared to be hysterical maximalists or even apartheid apologists, refusing to see any good in the ANC and all too often lowering the national debate to little more than a shouting match between recidivist racists.

The state’s stunningly awful performance at Marikana — shooting protesters that it might have pacified with tear gas or rubber bullets; then the police’s insistence that it had done nothing wrong; then President Jacob Zuma’s careful avoidance of singling out anyone for blame; and now prosecutors’ contention that the miners somehow murdered themselves — suggests the ANC’s harshest critics may have been underestimating the problem. Whether that eventually translates to the ballot box is an open question: South Africa is two years away from a fresh general election. But unless it does, or the ANC believes it might, South Africa will continue to exist in a kind of democratic twilight: a country where one of the world’s most progressive constitutions guarantees its citizens all the rights they could wish for on paper, but where, without the punishment of the ballot box, that turns out to mean grotesquely little in practice.

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South African White Elite Quietly Work to Maintain Positions of Economic Priviledge

Saturday, August 25th, 2012

Keeping their heads down and operating behind the scenes, South Africa’s white business elite have managed to maintain their economic position.

When the curtain finally came down on South Africa’s apartheid in 1994, it happened in a way that none of the key players had predicted. Both the African National Congress (ANC) and its opponents in the white supremacist National Party were surprised that they could reach an accommodation through dialogue and negotiation rather than armed force.

In the negotiations that had followed the release of Nelson Mandela and unbanning of the ANC, the parties sealed an unspoken deal. This handed political power to the black majority and left economic power in the hands of whites. There was to be no seizure of white assets, although there were, of course, plans to gradually achieve a more equitable balance of wealth.

Black economic empowerment?

Indeed, there were already plans afoot to bring the leadership of the ANC into the fold. White business magnates had begun to transfer assets into black hands in order to incorporate those at the top of the new political order. The new policy was ‘Black Economic Empowerment’ (BEE). As the commentator Moeletsi Mbeki put it: “BEE was, in fact, invented by South Africa’s economic oligarchs, that handful of white businessmen and their families who control the commanding heights of the country’s economy, that is mining and its associated chemical and engineering industries and finance”.

He pointed out that the policy was adopted well before the ANC came to power. In 1992, Sanlam Limited, a cornerstone of Afrikaner capital, helped create the flagship black empowerment company New African Investments Limited – led by Nthato Motlana, Nelson Mandela’s former doctor. Further deals followed and soon the new BEE elite were well-entrenched.

On the face of it, the policy was a success. A more equitable sharing out of the spoils of economic development came about, creating a new black bourgeoisie. At the same time the ANC abandoned its more radical economic policies allowing rich whites to continue enjoying a very pleasant lifestyle. A considerable proportion of South African assets were transferred to the BEE elite, but even at their height, these transfers were smaller than they appeared. As my colleague Paul Holden points out, the total value of BEE deals were around R250 billion ($30 billion), still a drop in the ocean when compared with the total value of private sector resources of R6 trillion ($700 billion).

Worse still, the BEE transfers were loans, not gifts. The companies had to earn profits and from these profits the loans would be repaid. That was at least the theory. In reality, many of the new black elite had little or no experience of business…

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Govt asks public help to stop illegal immigrants

Saturday, July 28th, 2012

Arusha Regional Immigration Officer has appealed to the public to help the government stop illegal immigration by informing security organs about people who enter Tanzania through unofficial routes.

Daniel Namwomba said: “The immigration department alone cannot win this war against illegal immigrants who see Tanzania as their safe destination, but only through closer cooperation with local people.

Illegal immigrants are very dangerous and pose a serious problem to the country’s security,” he explained when addressing a press conference here yesterday.

He referred to a daunting task of controlling the 450kilometre Tanzania/Kenya border stretching from Kilimanjaro Region to Mara Region, saying the fight against illegal migrants could be won if the public informed security organs about people they suspect in their areas.

“Most illegal immigrants from Somalia and Ethiopia enter Arusha Region through unofficial routes, treating the region as their gateway to southern African countries and beyond.

“But these mmigrants get into the country with support from local people, who know where to hide them and assist them to get-out the country,” he said.

“We believe there are some Good Samaritans, who can give us tip-offs whenever they come across suspected illegal immigrants and inform us, and we’ll take punitive measures against the perpetuators,” Namwomba stressed.

According to the regional immigration officer, 328 illegal immigrants were arrested. Out of them 153 were Kenyans while the rest were Somalia, Ethiopia, Ugandan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, DRC, Siera Leone, South Africa, Rwanda, Eritrea and Jamaica.

Others were from Sudan, China, India, Canada, Italy, USA, Burundi and German.

From January to June this year 88 illegal immigrants were arrested and legal action taken against them. Some of them were deported.

“Budget constraints are a challenge facing our department, this makes it hard to accomplish our mission,” he said, adding that they need about new 50 immigration officers.

Meanwhile, he said his force will soon start issuing temporary travel documents to people living near boarders to facilitate easy movement of villagers in the neighbouring countries.

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Supremacist guilty over Mandela plot

Friday, July 27th, 2012

South African Supreme Court judge Eben Jordaan ruled the leader of a small, white extremist organisation was guilty of treason in a 1990s plot to violently overthrow the country’s African National Congress government.

Mr Jordaan described South African Mike du Toit, a former teacher at a segregated apartheid-era university, as the “main role player” in a thwarted “war plan” to stage bomb attacks and kill former president Nelson Mandela.

He said Du Toit recruited supporters from among hardline white Afrikaners for his far-right “‘Boeremag,” or Boer Force.

Another 21 members were charged with treason in a trial that has dragged on over nine years. Sentencing is expected next month. They all face life imprisonment. South Africa has no death penalty.

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Supremacists sentence for racial beating

Tuesday, July 24th, 2012

A federal judge in Houston Monday sentenced three white supremacists to prison for their racially motivated beating of a black man last year.

The U.S. Justice Department said U.S. District Judge Kenneth Hoyt sentenced Brian Kerstetter, 33, to 77 months in prison, while Charles Cannon, 26, was given a 37-month prison term and Michael McLaughlin, 41, received 30 months. All three, who were convicted by a federal jury April 16, must also serve three years of supervised release after their prison terms.

Authorities said the trio — shirtless to display tattoos know to represent white supremacist beliefs — had surrounded the victim, a 29-year-old African-American waiting at a bus stop in downtown Houston Aug. 13, and punched and kicked him in the head and body. At least one of the attackers used a racial slur, authorities said.

The three men were arrested at the scene after a passerby called 911.

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Farmworker guilty of killing white supremacist Terreblanche

Wednesday, May 23rd, 2012

South Africa, May 22 (UPI) – Eugene Terreblanche was not killed because of his white supremacist views, a South African judge said Tuesday as he convicted a black farmworker of the crime.

Judge John Horn found Chris Mahlangu, 29, guilty of murder, the British newspaper The Daily Telegraph reported. Chris Ndlovu, 18, who was 15 when Terreblanche was killed, was acquitted of murder and convicted of housebreaking.

Horn said Mahlangu’s motives were economic.

“There was no conspiracy, no political intrigue, no racial undertones and no hidden agenda,” he said.

While Horn delivered his verdict, Terreblanche’s followers clashed outside the courthouse with supporters of the defendants.

“What’s sure is that this has not left us leaderless. We have leaders and this is not the end,” said Andre Nienaber, Terreblanche’s nephew. “Our battle will stop when our coffins are in the ground.”

Terreblanche, 69, was beaten to death in 2010 in the bedroom of his farmhouse in Ventersdorp. Mahlangu, who worked for him, said the killing was self-defense because Terreblanche was trying to rape him.

Evidence was also presented that Terreblanche mistreated Mahlangu and Ndlovu, underpaying them and giving them liquor instead of money.

In the 1980s, Terreblanche advocated a civil war to maintain white dominance. He later called for a separate Afrikaner state.


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Case of South African White supremacist’s killing ends

Thursday, May 3rd, 2012

terreblanche05-01-2012.jpg

Lawyers in South Africa’s heartland quietly wrapped up arguments April 18 in the murder of a White supremacist, a case that has illustrated how far South Africa has moved from apartheid.

 

 

Scuffles had broken out between Black and White protesters outside court during early appearances by the two Black farmworkers accused of beating 69-year-old Eugene Terreblanche to death with an iron rod at his farm near Ventersdorp, about 60 miles west of Johannesburg in April, 2010.

 

No protesters came to court as lawyers completed their closing arguments. Emotions have calmed. And by the time he died, Mr. Terreblanche’s prominence had faded considerably from the days when he could sit down with top politicians and capture international headlines with his doomsday rhetoric, vaguely Nazi regalia, and occasional forays into violence.

 

The trial began last October. The verdict is expected May 22.

 

Police have described Mr. Terreblanche’s murder as the climax of an alcohol-fueled dispute over unpaid wages. But during the trial, defense lawyers alleged the farmworkers had been abused by Mr. Terreblanche and acted in self-defense.

 

“It is generally acknowledged that the Black population of Ventersdorp lived in fear of the deceased,” defense lawyer Norman Arendse said in his closing arguments.

 

Mr. Terreblanche had been jailed in 1997, sentenced to six years for the attempted murder of a Black security guard and assaulting a Black gas station worker.

 

Prosecutors rejected allegations that suspect Chris Mahlangu had been sexually abused by Mr. Terreblanche. The defense attorneys say their case was weakened by poor police work. A substance believed to have been semen that witnesses reported seeing on Mr. Terreblanche’s body apparently was not preserved as evidence.

 

The younger suspect, who turns 18 this week, cannot be named because of his age. His lawyer, Mr. Arendse, said during his closing arguments that the case against him was weak.

 

Mthunzi Mhaga, spokesman for the prosecution, acknowledged that “it would be a challenge to get a murder conviction against” the younger suspect.

 

Mr. Terreblanche co-founded the Afrikaner Resistance Movement, known by its Afrikaans initials as the AWB, to seek an all-White republic within South Africa. He was born and died in the farming community of Ventersdorp. Today, Ventersdorp’s White minority lives in comfortable farmhouses or homes in a town dominated by a Dutch Reformed church built at the end of the 19th century. Most Blacks live in Ventersdorp’s crowded, impoverished Tshing township.

 

The democratic government has struggled to close the economic divide created by apartheid, which for generations denied Blacks political rights and educational and economic opportunity. Mr. Arendse said during his closing arguments that both defendants were illiterate.

 

In 1991, Mr. Terreblanche led hundreds of khaki-clad militants waving flags with swastika-like symbols in clashes with police after the extremists tried to stop a speech in Ventersdorp by then-President F.W. de Klerk. Mr. Terreblanche saw President de Klerk as a traitor because he was negotiating with the African National Congress to end apartheid. Three extremists were killed in the Battle of Ventersdorp.

 

Mr. Terreblanche was at the pinnacle of his political influence two years earlier, when he and another prominent White separatist met with Mr. de Klerk.

 

Afterward, Mr. de Klerk told reporters: “I sincerely believe Eugene Terreblanche does not represent a substantial number of people in South Africa.”

 

There were scattered attacks by White extremists in the waning days of apartheid, but never the “holy war” Mr. Terreblanche threatened. His AWB’s claims to being a military force were undermined by the sight, televised around the world, of three members pleading for mercy from and then being killed by Black police in the Bophuthatswana homeland in 1994.

 

Bophuthatswana’s leader was facing civil unrest and the AWB had stormed in to help prop up what the group saw as a pillar of their segregationist ideal. Homeland police accused AWB militants of killing nine Black residents before retreating in bloody disgrace.

 

In 1993, Mr. Terreblanche and a retired army general, Constand Viljoen, led extremists who briefly took over the site of Black-White political talks. The negotiations went on, resulting in South Africa’s first all-race elections in 1994. By then, Mr. Viljoen had formed a party, the Freedom Front, that contested the elections and pledged to represent Whites in a new South Africa. Today’s Freedom Front leader, Piet Mulder, is deputy agriculture minister in the ANC-led government.


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Seven arrested over shocking video of gang raping mentally-disturbed girl, 17, that went viral in South Africa

Tuesday, April 24th, 2012

 

Five men and two youths have appeared in court in South Africa over a viral video which allegedly shows them gang raping a mentally-disturbed teenage girl.

 

The seven suspects, aged between 14 and 20, were remanded in custody yesterday after the shocking incident sparked outrage across the country.

 

The group were arrested when a sickening 10 minute and 33 second video clip of the unnamed 17-year-old being attacked went viral in schools and communities around Johannesburg.

 

The seven suspects accused of gang raping a 17-year-old Soweto girl appear at the Roodepoort Regional CourtThe seven suspects accused of gang raping a 17-year-old Soweto girl appear at the Roodepoort Regional Court

 

Police believe the victim was abducted from her home in the township of Soweto on March 21 and gang raped by her attackers, who allegedly filmed the assault on a mobile phone.

 

The girl, who is said to have the mental capacity of a five year old, remained missing for three weeks before she was found on Wednesday.

 

By then thousands of people were believed to have watched the chilling footage of her attack on the internet or mobile phones.

 

 

The seven suspects were arrested earlier this week after they were allegedly identified from the video footage.

 

An eight man was due to appear in court today over the incident.

 

Police and prosecutors have since warned that anyone found in possession of the rape footage could face criminal charges.

 

 

National Prosecuting Authority spokesman Mthunzi Mhaga said: ‘If anyone is caught with that video, viewing it or posting it on Facebook, they are committing a crime and can be charged for child pornography.’

 

 

Police believe the victim was abducted from her home in the township of Soweto (pictured) on March 21 and gang raped by her attackersPolice believe the victim was abducted from her home in the township of Soweto (pictured) on March 21 and gang raped by her attackers

The shocking attack has sparked a wave of anger and soul-searching across South Africa, where a spokesman for the cabinet described the incident as ‘barbaric’.

Yesterday members of the ruling African National Congress‘ women’s league staged a protest outside the Roodepoort Magistrates’ Court in Johannesburg where the seven suspects appeared under armed guard at a hearing which was not held in public.

Crowds of local people also turned out to show their anger for the group of men, who apparently made no attempt to hide their faces in the video of the attack.

South Africa’s Sowetan newspaper reported that the group faced preliminary charges of rape, rape, sexual assault, engaging in sex with a minor for a reward, using a minor to create child pornography, committing a sexual act in the presence of an adult and the creation and distribution of child pornography.

 

SOUTH AFRICA’S PROBLEM WITH SEXUAL OFFENCES

The Soweto gang rape incident comes after South Africa’s police minister last year named tackling sexual crime as a leading priority for the country’s force.

South Africa has one of the highest crime rates in the world but has seen a fall in the murder rate in recent years.

However, official crime figures showed there were a total of 56,272 rapes reported in the country last year.

The huge number amounted to an average of 154 rapes per day – or more than six every hour.

Police minister Nathi Mthethwa admitted many more sex attacks went unreported and said the country was losing its war against rape.

 

 

Johannesburg’s Star newspaper yesterday captured the country’s sense of shame over the attack in a front page editorial headlined ‘SA’s disgrace: Our barbaric monsters’.

 

The newspaper wrote: ‘We have been united as a nation in our horror and revulsion.

 

‘The knowledge that this latest atrocity was filmed and then passed digitally from one to another before anyone had the common decency to speak out shames us all even further.

 

‘We are a nation of heroes; of Mandelas, Tambos, Luthulis, Bikos, De Klerks and Tutus, South Africans who won the world’s praise for their courage and humanity.

 

‘Today, though, we have tarnished their legacy – and the countless millions of decent South Africans who find this news as abhorrent as we do.

 

‘Those who’re responsible for this shameful, barbaric act must face the full wrath of the law.

 

‘This episode must force us to take a serious look at ourselves and ask: How did we get here? How did we, as a people, raise monsters who find a joke in this repugnant act?

 

‘Why should a girl child live perpetually in fear of what should in essence be her brothers, her keepers?’

 

The rape victim was today being looked after by social workers and was being subjected to a physical and mental examination by doctors.

 

Police confirmed they were investigating claims she could have been subjected to previous sexual assaults on several occasions since 2009.

 

Meanwhile, the suspects were due to return to court on Wednesday for a further hearing.

 

It was reported today that they faced the threat of vigilante attacks from gangs who threatened to subject them to ‘necklacing’, a notorious apartheid-era form of execution where a victim has a tyre doused in petrol placed around their neck and set ablaze

 

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