Posts Tagged ‘National Socialist’

Training in personal propaganda (Kleinarbeit)

Sunday, July 8th, 2012

Even more important than direct speaker training is training the whole party membership for personal propaganda.

Many directives along these lines have been given, but very little has been done. Marxism, however, recognized the value of such propaganda, and did it. That was one of its main strengths. Each party member must be able to hold his own in conversations with opponents on the job, in the back yard, at home, and in business. Each individual cell leader must follow a system in his work.

That is not easy to accomplish, but it is absolutely necessary. The idea of our Führer, which is an expression of the German soul, lives in the heart and blood of each National Socialist. However, this idea slumbers in the soul of many (even National Socialists), overpowered by the waste products of the past decades. The result is that he cannot express the idea in his heart with persuasive force. The propaganda leader’s duty is show the man at the front how to clear away the slagheap of the past and find ways to express his feelings and wants, how to express his great ideas. One cannot demand that the ordinary person read Hitler’s Mein Kampf and speak about it. That would be too much for him.

Mein Kampf is the bible of National Socialism.

One does not read the Bible in one sitting.

Oral instruction is better for most people than reading books. Reading will follow if one is introduced to the right material. Reading material is more easily understood when the reader has had it explained to him in advance.

Therefore, it is necessary to bring together at the county level, or several counties together, party members from various occupations who are capable of listening, of mastering the material, and of passing it on. These party comrades will come together in a central place for an evening, or perhaps on a Saturday and Sunday. And not only once, but rather often (about 4-5 times in weekly or bi-weekly sessions), with a 4-5 week break, followed by more sessions of the same type. Party members will then use what they learned in their local group, and in discussion evenings for party members and guests brought by those members. They will speak not only at discussion evenings, but rather will train people in their county and local groups so that they will be able to conduct personal propaganda on the job and with their acquaintances.

What will these courses cover? What will the curriculum be?

First, they have to learn to think psychologically, in a short, crisp, clear speech. They must understand the condition and nature of the German people’s soul under the current situation. They must be taught not only what to say, but how to say it.

This will be followed by discussing individual topics, such as economics, town policy, state policy, job creation, or whatever else is necessary. The talk must not be too long, and must have a clear organization that can best be handed out to participants on paper. It must be expressed in a clear, disciplined manner that does not hopelessly confuse people, but rather deepens their understanding. That will lead to a good conclusion of the talk. It is a very good idea to ask the individual participants to write down questions about the topic beforehand, which they will know in advance. The speaker will then know what things are particularly unclear, and will therefore adjust his talk knowing which points need to be clearer and more comprehensive, which things may be evident to him (as an expert), but not as comprehensible by the masses as he may have thought. These written questions can also be dealt with during the breaks, or dealt with orally at some point.

Such expert talks should also provide reading material, but not in the form of dry books. Copies of the reading material should be available for display. In each case, the speaker should point out what is particularly valuable and worthwhile in each book or pamphlet, and what is of less value.

These courses should include oral training on how to organize and carry out personal propaganda (particularly for the local group leader and the local group propaganda leader). They must be told how to organize sections and cells (down to the block level), and how to carry on systematic, useful work. This material cannot simply exist on paper, otherwise it will be more a burden than an advantage for the movement.

In this regard, it is absolutely necessary that exact training be provided for all community council members so that they are not confused by government measures.

Everyone must be able to hold his own in local political matters. A local representative known to be unfamiliar with such matters will not have the necessary confidence of the voters, whereas he who gives the impression of a man who is confident, who knows what he is talking about and what he wants to do, will certainly win the confidence of the masses.

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Hitler Speaks in Munich SPEECH OF MAY 1, 1923

Monday, May 21st, 2012

 

If the first of May is to be transferred in accordance with Its true meaning from the life of Nature to the life of peoples, then it must symbolize the renewal of the body of a people which has fallen into senility. And in the life of peoples senility means internationalism. What is born of senility? Nothing, nothing at all. Whatever in human civilization has real value, that arose not out of internationalism, it sprang from the soul of a single people. When peoples have lost their creative vigor, then they become international Everywhere, wherever intellectual incapacity rules in the life of peoples, there internationalism appears. And it is no chance that the promoter of this cast of thought is a people which itself can boast of no real creative force – the Jewish people….

So the first of May can be only a glorification of the national creative will over against the conception of international disintegration, of the liberation of the nation’s spirit and of its economic outlook from the infection of internationalism. That is in the last resort the question of the restoration to health of peoples . . . and the question arises: Is the German oak ever destined to see another springtime? And that is where the mission of our Movement begins. We have the strength to conquer that which the autumn has brought upon us. Our will is to be National Socialists – not national in the current sense of the word – not national by halves. We are National Socialist fanatics, not dancers on the tight-rope of moderation!

There are three words which many use without a thought which for us are no catch-phrases: Love, Faith, and Hope. We National Socialists wish to love our Fatherland, we wish to learn to love it, to learn to love it jealously, to love it alone and to suffer no other idol to stand by its side. We know only one interest and that is the interest of our people.

We are fanatical in our love for our people, and we are anxious that so-called ‘national governments’ should be conscious of that fact. We can go as loyally as a dog with those who share our sincerity, but we will pursue with fanatical hatred the man who believes that he can play tricks with this love of ours. We cannot go with governments who look two ways at once, who squint both towards the Right and towards the Left. We are straightforward: it must be either love or hate.

We have faith in the rights of our people, the rights which have existed time out of mind. We protest against the view that every other nation should have rights – and we have none. We must learn to make our own this blind faith in the rights of our people, in the necessity of devoting ourselves to the service of these rights; we must make our own the faith that gradually victory must be granted us if only we are fanatical enough. And from this love and from this faith there emerges for us the idea of hope. When others doubt and hesitate for the future of Germany – we have no doubts. We have both the hope and the faith that Germany will and must once more become great and mighty.

We have both the hope and the faith that the day will come on which Germany shall stretch from Koenigsberg to Strassburg, and from Hamburg to Vienna.

We have faith that one day Heaven will bring the Germans back into a Reich over which there shall be no Soviet star, no Jewish star of David, but above that Reich there shall be the symbol of German labor – the Swastika. And that will mean that the first of May has truly come.

 

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Lie: Reaction!

Tuesday, May 15th, 2012

With a great deal of noise and a lot of wasted ink, the Red benefactors of the people accuse the Nazis of being evil reactionaries.

When the National Socialist movement was in its beginnings, the Red papers sneered at it as an insignificant offshoot of the German National Party. That will not work any longer, for even the most stubborn Marxist realizes that this is something new, a movement following its own victorious ideas. If the NSDAP had been only an offshoot of the German Nationalists, it would never have achieved such great success. Its rise, which shows that new, revolutionary elements are at work, refutes the myth of the “reactionary” Nazis better than all the speeches.

Enemy of the workers

The sensationalist newspapers lie when they say: The Nazis are enemies of the workers, they want to destroy the unions and reduce wages.

To make these lies believable to German workers, the Red press pirates do not hold back from even the most insolent lies. The National Socialist Hans Held allegedly described how we lie in the National Socialist monthly Der Meister:

“We National Socialists are taking over your workers’ organizations. We are taking over your unions. The businessmen and big capitalists are giving us permission to adjust our agitation to the working class. If we speak of nationalizing land, we do not mean it. If we speak against capital, we need it as a propaganda tool to attract people to us. The main thing is that we have the people, that we pull them away from Marxism.”

One does not know whether to be most astounded by the filthy insolence or the blatant stupidity of these falsifications. But the best part of it is that there is neither a National Socialist named Hans Held, nor a National Socialist monthly titled Der Meister. The monthly Der Meister is still edited by Artur Mahraun, the head of the Young German Order — who, as is well known, co-founded the Jewish State Party in 1930 and is a bitter enemy of the NSDAP.

Since they lack any kind of support for the lie about National Socialism’s alleged intent to reduce wages, they do not bother to try to prove it.

The best refutation of both Social Democratic lies is given by Adolf Hitler himself in his book Mein Kampf, the standard work of the NSDAP:

“As long as there are employers who lack social understanding and have wrong ideas of justice and fair play it is not only the right but also the duty of their employees — who are, after all, an integral part of our people — to protect the general interests against the greed and unreason of the individual. For to safeguard the loyalty and confidence of the people is as much in the interests of the nation as to safeguard public health.

No. If unsocial and dishonorable treatment of men provokes resistance, then the stronger party can impose its decision in the conflict until the legal legislative authorities do away with the evil. Therefore it is evident that if the individual workman is to have any chance at all of winning through in the struggle he must be joined with his fellow workmen and present a united front before the individual employer, who incorporates in his own person the massed strength of the vested interests in the industrial or commercial undertaking which he conducts.

Thus the trade unions can inculcate and strengthen a sense of social responsibility in daily life and open the road to practical results. In doing this they remove those causes of friction which are a continual source of discontent and complaint.

In the present state of affairs, I am convinced that we cannot possibly dispense with the trade unions. On the contrary, they are among the most important institutions in the economic life of the nation. Not only are they important in the sphere of social policy but also, and even more so, in the national political sphere. For when the great masses of a people see their vital needs satisfied through a just trade union movement, and are educated at the same time, the stamina of the whole nation in its struggle for existence will be enormously strengthened.

Above all else, the trades unions are necessary as a foundation for the future economic parliament, or the chambers representing the various professions and occupations.”

The sensationalist Red newspapers know all that, but they keep lying because they have to lie. The lie is their only weapon.

A speech by Comrade Fritz Tarnow to the Reichsbanner agitation meeting in the Berlin Sportpalast on 2 December 1931 proves the insolence of the Social Democratic betrayers of the workers as they go about their campaign of lies against National Socialism. The same Tarnow, who called social democracy “a doctor at capitalism’s sickbed” at the Leipzig Party conference, declared, according Vorwärts:

“The battle of the National Socialist front against the republic, against democracy and parliamentarianism, against the citizenship rights of the broad masses, is fundamentally nothing other than a general attack on the social position of the working masses.”

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The Sensationalist Newspapers Lie! by Heinz Franke

Tuesday, May 15th, 2012

In comfort and ease, the Red party hacks set themselves up after the successful “revolt” of 9 November 1918 in the quarters of the capitalism they had so attacked. The nice, warm spoils system took in the army of party hacks and lesser dignitaries, allowing the top comrades to take up the promised life “of beauty and dignity.”

The Social Democratic war profiteer and big swindler Parvus-Helphand resided in the Schwanenwerder Palace. There he met the illustrious leaders of the workers’ party, Scheidemann, Bauer, Wels, Gradenauer, Heilmann, etc.

The leaders of the exploited masses — Police President Richter, for example — accepted gold toothpicks and elegant sleeping gowns from big Jewish swindlers.

Pamphlet CoverThe Red party hacks promised the working people heaven on earth.

In the proclamation of the Saxon workers’ and soldiers’ soviet of 14 November 1918, the proletariat was promised the following delights:

“To the People of Saxony!

The capitalist system has collapsed. The bourgeois monarchical government has fallen. The revolutionary proletarian has taken power. Its goal is a socialist republic. Socialism means: The transformation of capitalism production into social production, the confiscation of private land, mines, and foundries, along with raw materials, banks, machines, means of transportation, etc. A change in production to social control of production by the proletariat. The task of the socialist government is to continue the revolution until the bourgeois class is completely overcome. The republic means: The absolute rule of the will of the working class, the elimination of serfdom in any form, and general disarmament of the citizenry to protect the accomplishments of the revolution. The abolition of all forms of income without labor, the separation of church and state, the rejection of all bourgeois courts. The special task of the republican government is to liquidate the Saxon state and form a unified socialist German republic.

By the authority of the workers’ and soldiers’ soviets of Dresden, Leipzig, and Chemnitz.

Schwarz, Neuring, Fleißner, Rühle, Geyer, Lipinski, Seeger, Heckert, Fellisch”

(To keep the Red party hacks from playing their favorite old trick by claiming that this is a “Nazi fabrication,” it is taken word-for-word from the book by Social Democrat Ed. Bernstein, Die deutsche Revolution, vol. 1, p. 59).

A Social Democratic leaflet during the election campaign for the National Assembly stated:

“. . . They (the Social Democrats, editor) have done all in their power to appeal to the moral forces of the world, the forces of socialism, to gain a lasting, bearable peace for the German people, despite the defeat that was the responsibility of the old leaders. . .

. . . to preserve its rights in the peace treaty and to work for a just peace that will save the world from the horrors of a new war. . . .

. . . We will not allow capitalism to again exploit and oppress intellectual and manual workers. We want the working people to enjoy the full fruits of their labor under socialist conditions. . . .

Our goal is the greatest possible freedom . . .

. . . and what is most important, help for the poorest classes to rise to a higher level.”

(This leaflet was distributed in Liegnitz. It was issued by Herm. Feller, Görlitz, and printed by the Arbeiter-Druckerei, Görlitz.)

The Red party membership book was all powerful. It opened the doors to the highest positions in the state and administration. The former locksmith’s apprentice Fritz Brolat, for example, became a director of the Berlin Transportation Company, despite his complete lack of education, which soon paid him 200,000 RMa year.

In short, the party hacks led a lovely life, free of worries, became fat, and praised the accomplishments of a revolution that gave them these lovely advantages.

When starving workers and civil servants showed up requesting more pay, one looked at them from the well-upholstered chair in a patronizing way, and set the printing presses to work to satisfy their needs. That was easy, and there was enough paper. As inflation constantly increased and the deceived masses demanded a reckoning, one put on an innocent face and claimed that it was a harmless natural event for which the SPD could hardly be made responsible.

And so they sat comfortably in their warm upholstered chairs, those Red party hacks, and lived it up.

But a dark cloud was gathering in the bright heaven of those party hacks. Blue and white collar men joined together in the National Socialist moment, experienced front soldiers and enthusiastic youth, who wanted to bring German people true socialism in a new Reich with a genuine people’s community incorporating all the productive classes. The betrayed masses of Social Democratic workers increasingly recognized the true face of their so-called “leaders,” and the knowledge of how the Red party hacks had so greatly betrayed the workers grew.

As the beneficiaries of the revolution recognized the danger to their comfortable life, they reached for their tested political weapons, lies and slanders.

To keep the bitter, deceived masses from streaming to the National Socialist freedom movement, these terrified bigwig bureaucrats unleashed an unprecedented campaign of lies. In the editorial offices of Social Democratic newspapers, Jewish hirelings devised a poisonous soup of lies distributed in millions of copies.

The more the National Socialist flood rose, the filthier and more insolent the lies of the Red sensationalist newspapers became.

The extent to which the Jewish “workers’ leaders” were willing to go is shown by the following directive, discussed at the Reichsbanner [the Social Democratic paramilitary auxiliary] conference in November 1931. We take this from the Leipziger Neuesten Nachrichten, Nr. 335, 1 December 1931:

“The national directorate of the Reichsbanner instructs the national board to seize the initiative. We must conduct systematic agitation against the National Socialists to an unprecedented degree, using our press to heat people up to the boiling point, while at the same time using the power of the SPD in the states to unleash a coldly calculated wave of suppression and government measures to intensify the campaign against the NSDAP. Imagination and inventiveness can be given free rein in a wide-ranging press campaign, not holding back any lie if it serves our cause. The news system is in our hands. All the technical means are working. Court cases that may result from the unscrupulous conduct of this campaign have to be accepted in many cases if the campaign is not to be hindered or halted.Financing is assured.”

We can demonstrate the accuracy of these Magdeburg directives by the following citations from Vorwärts[the Socialist national newspaper]:

“Our most damaging attack on this society is to brand it at every opportunity as the slave of business…” (Vorwärts, Nr .5, 4.1.1931)

“The republic needs to be led by republicans who will shrink from nothing!” (Vorwärts, Nr. 565, 3,12.1931)

“They (the SPD, editor) will take allies in this battle wherever it can find them…” (Vorwärts,Nr. 547, 22.11.1931)

“We have only one enemy, the Right!” (Vorwärts, Nr. 547, 22.11.1931)

“We will take help anywhere we can find it.” (Vorwärts, Nr. 547, 22.11.1931)

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We are Voting for Hitler! by Joseph Goebbels

Monday, May 14th, 2012

Adolf Hitler’s goal is the union of all Germans. He experienced our people’s need not in books, rather as a person born Austrian whose entire earlier life was filled with the longing for a Greater German Reich. Adolf Hitler will give this longing, which today fills 100 million Germans, political reality.

Hitler, the Great German

Adolf Hitler’s goal is to solve the social and labor questions. His knowledge of social need does not come from hearsay. For many years in Vienna and Munich, he had to earn his little daily bread as a simple construction worker. There he came to know the people and the working class, sharing in their hard lot and their poverty. He therefore has the right to defend the German working class, wherever it may be.

Hitler, the Führer

Adolf Hitler, the born mass leader, has as his goal to unify the German people and forge from them unprecedented strength. He works toward this goal not by words and empty phrases, rather by founding the National Socialist German Workers Party, which shows the way.

He began in 1919 with six comrades from the front and labor; in 1923, his movement was crushed as it reached for power. Adolf Hitler spent more than a year in prison, founding his old party anew in 1925.

Through hard, exhausting and sacrificial struggle he lead the mocked and scorned little sect to the most impressive mass movement in Europe.

Hitler, the Prophet

In the National Socialist movement, the farmer stands beside the worker, the prince beside the worker, the student next to the front soldier. Millions and millions have joined together under the idea of the German people’s community. They want no differences of occupation or class. They have sworn allegiance to the German people and its historic mission.

Amidst all the desperate babble of the post-war period, a new political faith came to life. It is based in flowing, sacrificial idealism, without thereby falling prey to some romantic idol. The National Socialist movement is firmly rooted on earth, but its goals reach boldly for the stars.

Millions and millions of National Socialists have found in National Socialism new meaning and purpose for their lives. They thank Adolf Hitler and his saving idea that they have not fallen into hopelessness and anarchy,

Hitler, the Fighter

A man who has the strength and gifts to build a movement of millions from a small sect of seven men, a movement that today already encompasses the largest and best part of the whole German people, will also find a way to unify the entire nation, freeing it from the terrible political, worldview and social contradictions that tear apart and wound our people.

The System [the Nazi term for the Weimar Republic] has had 13 years to prove that it does not even recognize the problem, much less solve it. Its policies have divided the people into two classes. The economy is in anarchy, the finances are in a desperate state, and millions and millions of German workers, farmers and the middle class are the victims of this fateful course. Countless people have despaired of the future of the German people and have fallen into hopelessness.

But the greater part of the nation has a new will to resist. It wants the German people to rise from blind resignation to a new ideal.

That is Adolf Hitler’s work! The masses see in him their last hope. For millions, his name has become the bright symbol of the German will for freedom.

We want to put Germany’s future in the hands of this man. He shows us the way. We are ready to follow him. A new German will to life is rising from shame and disgrace, from collapse and anarchy, and we are its bearers!

Hitler, the Reich President

He who wishes that everything should stay as it is in Germany gives himself over to despair. We do not mind if he casts his vote for the representatives of this system. But we want everything in Germany to change.

He who opposes class struggle and fraternal murder, who is looking for the way out of chaos and confusion, this man will vote for Adolf Hitler! He represents an awakening young German idealism, he is the spokesman for national activism, he is the bearer of the coming economic and social renewal. That is why we cry: Give Adolf Hitler power so that the German people once again receive what is its due. For freedom and prosperity!

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The cross of Christ and the swastika must have a positive relationship!

Saturday, March 31st, 2012

The church must affirm without reservation the German people’s community growing out of National Socialism, and at the same time must do everything it can to make up for what has been neglected or ignored in the past!

The church must affirm without reservation Adolf Hitler’s total state, the last bulwark against the Satan of Bolshevism. It should not be forgotten that, had it not been for Hitler, we would long since have sunk into Bolshevism, and probably would no longer have had churches and ministers.

The church must affirm without reservation the Führer of the National Socialists, Adolf Hitler, the Chancellor of the German Reich. He expects the church to help build the Third Reich, and has proclaimed that National Socialist German Workers’ Party, which now forms the state, wants to stand on the foundation of positive Christianity. It is the task of the church to create and provide this foundation. It is the content of the absolute affirmation that the church has to make if it really wants to be a people’s church.

We “German Christians” were firmly resolved to work to see that the church makes this affirmation clearly and unambiguously (that means without reservation). We are also firmly resolved to hold to this affirmation, and transform it into action. We will not be diverted from this by anything, including the quarreling of the opposition of today which has still not understood, or does not want to understand, and least of all by the forces of Reaction (regardless of how they may conceal themselves). National Socialists in the province should and must know:

On 28 August 1933 and 25 October 1933, the church publicly and solemnly spoke its affirmation, and is determined to hold to this affirmation and to carry it out.

28 August 1933

The 4th provincial church council opened on 28 August 1933 at the Ständehaus in Hanover. In accordance with the wishes of the “German Christians,” it began with especially festive ceremonies and took on a unique stamp through the affirmation of the National Socialist people of the church and the affirmation of the church of the National Socialist people. In other words: The opening of the provincial church council became a new experience for church members, since for the first time on 28 August 1933, publicly and solemnly, the cross of Christ and the swastika were placed next to each other in a positive way.

The church council customarily opens with a public worship service, which took place this time in the Market Church, the biggest church in Hanover. The service began at noon; long before, the big church was filled to overflowing, so that many people’s comrades could not gain admittance (proof, by the way, that the new call of the church was understood by the new Germany). On both sides of the altar were the many flags of the S.A., the H.J., the Stahlhelm, and the youth federations. Besides the members of the provincial church council, the church senate, and church offices, the whole church council of Hanover participated in the service. Many government offices had representatives. The rest of the church was packed with many hundreds of people’s comrades from the city and countryside.Swastika and Church

The church service began with the hymn “Praise the Lord, Oh My Soul” The general superintendent of the Stahlhelm led the liturgy. After the song “If God is for me, All Else May Be against Me,” Provincial Bishop D. Marahrens preached a sermon on these words of Jesus: “He who confesses me before men will I also confess before my heavenly father. He who denies me to men will I also deny before my heavenly father.” Referring to the extraordinarily large attendance at the service, the preacher asked if the joyful readiness of so many meant that that the powerful missionary urge of the church might meet a searching call of the nation in the new age. If that were to happen, it would require the efforts of many to rebuild the church in the right way. Only that rebuilding of the church with an unambiguous and clear foundation would meet the longings of our people and our fatherland. None other than Jesus Christ, the Savior who died for humanity, stands in the center of this confession. Referring to eternity and its just judgment, the sermon concluded that the church must be a “daring church”, daring in the sense that we, out of love for our people, and convinced of the truth of the Gospel, must put this complete and eternal message in support of the new age.

The organ thundered as the participants left the service and marched solemnly from the Market Church to the Ständehaus. The S.S. was at the head, followed by the S.A. band, then the banners. They were followed by the members of the church senate, the general superintendent, the representatives of government agencies, the members of the provincial church council, the members, officials, and employees of the provincial church administration the invited guests, the clergy and church officers of Hanover, the youth organizations with their banners, as well as units of the S.A. and the Stahlhelm. The bells of all the churches rang as the procession passed through Hanover’s streets. In honor of the church celebration, most buildings were decorated with the swastika flags of the National Socialist revolution. Behind the columns of the S.A. and S.S. that lined the streets, thousands of people saluted the procession with joyful shouts of “Heil!” And throughout the entire province of Hanover, bells tolled thanks and praise to the Lord God.

The Ständehaus was decorated with the church’s flags with the cross, Hitler’s swastika, and the glorious flags of black-white-red. A large crowd gathered of those who wanted to participate in the solemn ceremony. The S.A. band played the “Netherlands Hymn of Praise,” then the crowd sang “A Mighty Fortress Is Our God.” Then Provincial Bishop D. Marahrens spoke. Among other things, he said: As never before in the history of the people, the individual is bound to the whole of the people, which the Lutheran provincial church in Hanover joyfully affirms. A full and strong affirmation of its ethnicity, of the purity and path it followed, an affirmation of the Reich and its freedom and honor, an affirmation of the state it serves loyally and with devotion. As part of the German Evangelical Church, the Lutheran Provincial Church in Hanover could demonstrate great service to the people. As the church of God, it had the best that the world has, it had what a people with deep roots must have for its life, and it had what the Führer of our people had to have for his people and his work. Unrestricted in its proclamation of the Gospel and unlimited in the freedom of its witness, it gave the people and its Führer the greatest possible gift, namely a firm conscience born from the forgiveness of sins. Under the authority of the holy and omnipotent God, under which the church stands and will forever stand — if it wants to remain serious Christians — the people and Reich have true support in the authority of this God. And the state has its deepest, strongest, and —from the human standpoint — indestructible roots in the church. With this certainty, the Hanoverian provincial church affirms our state absolutely. It believes that this state is the best one possible. The Evangelical Church has always given to the state what is its due. The church gives this state and its Führer what it has, joyfully and without reservation, with a thankful heart.

After thousands had sung “Now Thank We All our God,” District President Stapenhorst spoke in the name of the Prussian government and the Prussian president. The national revolution was total, and wanted to include the whole life of the people; no part of life could remain untouched by the great events of the age. The breakthrough of the new idea of the state wanted to transform the German and his thinking, and teach each individual to sacrifice for the good of the community. The people’s community should be founded on a united religious faith. The church could not remain untouched by the storm of the national uprising. The church must understand the call of the age. Churchmen who understand their people must so transform the church’s structure so that all people’s comrades can feel at home in the church. That great goal would be achieved when one affirmed Hitler’s liberating action, and fought side by side with him for the moral and religious renewal of our people. In this sense, he extended the greetings and best wishes of the Prussian government and its president, and at the same time called for everyone to join in a triple “Sieg Heil” to Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler.

Thousands of arms reached to heaven in the Hitler greeting, and thousands of people’s comrades praised the Führer with a triple “Sieg Heil.” The same thousands spontaneously sang the Horst Wessel song. Then Pastor Hahn-Elmlohe, the leader of the “German Christians” in Hanover, spoke on behalf of the provincial church council. Like many others, he was wearing a brown shirt:

28 August 1933 will go down in the history of the Evangelical-Lutheran Church of Hanover — if God wills — as the day in which the clear will of the church members affirmed its people in a new way, stating:

The church stands here under the cross of Jesus Christ —

The German people stands there, which under the symbol of the swastika has awakened.

In past decades, the subversive powers of liberalism, materialism, and Bolshevism alienated millions of German people’s comrades from the German nation. It is doubtless God’s grace that our Führer Adolf Hitler has once again won back to the nation the German people’s comrade and the German worker. Hitler could and had to achieve his goal, because he broke totally from the past and followed the entirely different, yet ancient, path of National Socialism.

In past decades, these satanic powers alienated millions of our German people’s comrades from the Evangelical Church. It is the holy duty and solemn goal of our movement of faith, the “German Christians,” to win back the German people’s comrade and the German worker, with God’s help, to the Evangelical Church. To do that, we want to, and must, follow a different, yet ancient path in the church, namely the path of Martin Luther that leads to a deep connection of church and people, of Christianity and German nature.

The cross of Christ and the swastika should not and may not oppose each other; they belong together. One must make us look to eternity, and admonish us” Remember that you are a Christian! The other points us toward the present, and admonishes us: Remember that you are a German!

Both together should and do admonish us:


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The Rally of the German Women’s League

Thursday, March 15th, 2012

The NS Women’s League met on Friday morning in the Congress Hall. The enormous hall was filled two hours before the meeting began. Many thousands of women were unable to enter, and gathered outside to hear the proceedings over loudspeakers.

The Gau and district leaders, the leaders of the women’s labor service and those of the League of German Girls took their places on the platform, and the officials of the NS Women’s League and the German Women’s Work filled the seats. To the side one could see numerous representatives of German women’s groups from abroad in colorful and elaborate costumes. The farmers among the participants also wore their beautiful traditional costumes.

Just before the meeting began, 600 leaders of the women’s labor service and a delegation of the BDM [League of German Girls] entered and took their positions on the steps of the podium. The meeting then greeted with shouts of “Heil” the Reich Women’s Leader, Frau Scholtz-Klink and her aide Hilgenfeldt.

After a piece by the Reich Symphony Orchestra, Hilgenfeldt opened the meeting and greeted the participants and foreign guests in the name of the National Women’s Leader. The 20,000 women rose to sing “Our Fate was to be a Free People.”

As the song faded, Reich Women’s Leader Scholtz-Klink spoke.

It is characteristic of both people and nations that at times things happen that overthrow former ideas and values and replace them with new ones. History calls such events revolutions; they have occurred over the millennia and relatively few of them prove of lasting benefit. A revolution, whether in an individual or a nation, deserves the name only when it allows the true, appropriate and deepest strengths of a people to come to expression once again.

Our German people has two revolutions in our recent past. 1918 with all its blood and barricades, noise and brutality, met the outward requirements of a revolution. In reality, however, it represented only the culmination of a decades-long process during which the German people were driven away from their true nature. We know today that this “revolution” was necessary in order to bring the real revolutionaries to the attention of our people, to rouse them against the false ways our people had followed, against the false thinking that had taken over all important areas of our public life. 9 November 1918 was not led by people who were guided by the idea that Germans should once again find themselves and return to their true nature. Rather, it was the work of people who declared the idea of the “people” — or the “German people” — outdated and replaced a passionate affirmation of ourselves with the thesis of a universal “humanity.”

However, peoples—by which we mean the generations of ancient families and tribes—have always been a part in the most varied past events. We are therefore justified in thinking there is a larger meaning to them, that a unified people will always be necessary under the laws established by a higher power. The empty talk about universal humanity is a dishonest and senseless attempt to replace eternally valid laws with the limited strength of mere human thinking!

Thus 9 November 1918 stirred those people in Germany for whom the concept of “people” still had meaning. They formed the core of the National Socialist movement. 9 November 1918 represented the dreadful revelation of a kind of universal thinking, 30 January 1933 represented the triumphant affirmation of people bound to their race under eternally valid laws of life. This revolution lacked the usual characteristics — no bloodshed or uproar — but it brought the German nation back to its true self!

It recalled much eternal that had for a time been forgotten. What was new was the will to bring the knowledge of our nature not only to the individual, but to persuade him of the following: It is not enough to hold foreign thinking impossible for us. Rather, the knowledge of the inadequacy of foreign thinking must lead to a passionate affirmation of your own nature.

This is the thinking we are bringing to the German people — and that is the work of the women of this people. That is the worldview that guides our actions. In contract to abstract and inorganic Bolshevist theories of humanity, we are the bearers of an organic moral life order.

Let me give several practical examples from the Soviet Union that prove that lovely theories are not able to deal with the reality of life, but rather that life’s powerful hand takes revenge on disobedient and arbitrary human behavior.

The Soviet Union declared the legal equality of men and women in all areas in a law of 18 November 1918. That meant the same right to work, the same duty to support oneself, the right of control over one’s own body, which for the woman meant the right to abortion. The view was that men and women had full freedom only when the state stayed as far as possible from personal relationships. The state provided no legal rights in marriage, which meant that there were only two forms of marriage. One could register a marriage before a government office, or one could be married without virtue of state ceremony.

The result was that, even when one had been married officially, the individual partners had the right when they were unhappy to go to the same office and, for a very small fee, dissolve the marriage. Should there be children, they would be housed in collective homes, since both father and mother worked and housing was in short supply, given the migration from the countryside to the cities. The absence of resources in such homes led of necessity to demanding money from the economically stronger partner. The result was constant legal battles and enormous misery for the children.

Simultaneously, women were increasingly absorbed in industry and the military. In 1918, 24 of every 1000 miners were women. By 1932, 153 of 1000 were women, a number that had grown to 321 by 1935! In automobile and tractor manufacturing, women are 30.4% of the work force, 63.5% of the drilling industry.

The full equality of the sexes had the further result that girls are given the same military training as boys in the communist youth organization and schools. The Red Army is the only army in the world in which both men and women are trained as soldiers and officers to wage aggressive war.

At the opening of the International Communist Women’s Congress in Moscow on 8 March 1936, Frau Kogan called on communist women throughout the world to fight the enemies of the Soviet Union. Among other things, she said the following: “At the call of the Communist Internationale and of comrade Stalin, we are ready to join the front ranks against the enemies of the socialist fatherland and to fight to the last drop of blood for communism throughout the world!”

The effect of Bolshevist “freedom” was:

Helpless women and wretched children, worn out sick women as the result of heavy labor and abortions, a rapid fall in the birthrate, and growing complaints from the women themselves that finally led the Soviet government to make proposals on 25 May 1936 for improvements in these areas.

A law was proclaimed four weeks later that required both partners getting a divorce to appear in person, and that a note be made in the personal papers of the partner who wanted the divorce. The fee for the first divorce was 50 rubles, for the second 150, and for third and following ones, 300 rubles.

Abortion was permitted only in those cases where a continuation of the pregnancy represented danger to the life or health of the woman, or in cases of inherited diseases. Abortions could be performed only in hospitals or clinics.

Forcing a woman to have an abortion received a sentence of up to two years in prison.

Pregnant women who violated the law would receive a public reprimand for the first offense of the law, and a fine of 300 rubles for subsequent offenses.

The law further provides an increase in financial assistance for new mothers and state grants to those with numerous children.

This law, the Reich Women’s Leader continued, is the beginning of life’s powerful answer to the theories of freedom of the individual and “humanity.” We Germans had 14 years under an attempt to impose Bolshevist principles on us. The German woman took her place alongside the German man when she realized that a struggle was going on between God’s order for earthly affairs and universal apostles of humanity who wanted to replace these eternal laws. It was a battle between good and evil.

Good and evil are equally strong forces in life. They find visible form in National Socialism and Bolshevism. National Socialism is good become visible for we Germans. It respects the earth from which our people have grown. Bolshevism is absolute evil because it is a universal approach that rejects the eternal laws of nature. “Good” and “evil” have never stood in such stark contrast before all the world as they do today in these two forces.

The Reich Women’s Leader concluded that our courage to do good must always be greater than our fear of evil. We must never make weak compromises. Our work is to spread this idea. It is nothing other than a daily struggle between these two forces. It is not ultimately a battle of means or of money, that is of perishable things, but rather it is ennobled by the spirit in whose service we stand: In the battle between good and evil, we are the obedient servants of the good.

At the International Women’s Congress in Moscow on 8 March 1936, Frau Kogan called for the women of the world to fight for the victory of Bolshevism. At our congress we National Socialist women call on all women loyal to their people throughout the world, as the physical and spiritual mothers of their people, to join in an unwritten but strong community as servants of the good in the battle against evil in the world. Then we with our Führer along with the women of other nations and their leaders will guarantee the peace of the world.

The Führer before the German women

The Führer began by speaking of the educational mission of National Socialism, the results of which were increasingly visible. The Führer again found words that went to the heart about the duties and lives of German women. Here is a part of what the Führer said:

“Our entire people today is filled with optimism. What a splendid youth we have once more in Germany! Everything has become so cheerful, so confident! Believe me, that is the most important thing a person needs.

A person who is not joyful cannot sense joy. One needs optimism in order to live. It begins with children. It takes optimism to bring a child into the world! What can it become? What will it become? Every mother believes her child is the best. This is a healthy optimism. When a child is born, the mother receives it with joy. She worships this small creature! (Stormy applause)

The child itself begins life with enormous optimism. It wants to live, and it charges into life with the great optimism of such a little creature. The optimism that accompanies us through life even survives death. When the end of life comes, human optimism falls back on the Almighty. He overcomes the terrifying knowledge of the end of life with a triumphant optimism in eternal life. Woe to the people or to the nation that loses this capacity!”

“Each year we see that the inner confidence of the German people has grown yet more, as has his confidence in his own worth, in his position in the world, and in his confidence in himself and in our community. Winning the faith and confidence of the people is the prerequisite for the success of any political leader. Must I not be the greatest optimist of all?” the Führer said to long-lasting and enthusiastic shouts of “Heil!”

“Those abroad may say ‘That is fine for the men! But your women cannot be optimistic. They are oppressed and dominated and enslaved. You give them no freedom of equality.” We answer: What you see as a yoke others see as a blessing. What is heaven to one is hell for another.”

The Führer sarcastically proved the illogic of such criticism. “As long as we have sound men — and we National Socialists will see to that — there will be no women throwing hand grenades in Germany, no women sharp-shooters. That is not equality for women, but rather their debasement”

“Women have boundless opportunities to work. For us the woman has always been the loyal companion of the man in work and life. People often tell me: You want to drive women out of the professions. No, I only want to make it possible for her to found her own family and to have children, for that is how she can best serve our people!”

“If a woman jurist does the best possible work, but next to her lives a woman who has given birth to five, six or seven healthy children who are well educated, I would say the following: From the standpoint of the eternal values of our people, the woman who has borne and raised children has done more, given more, accomplished more for the future of our people!”

“Real leadership has the duty to enable every man and woman to fulfill their dreams, or at least to make it easier for them to do so. We seek this goal through laws that encourage the healthy education of children. But we have done more than simply pass laws. We are educating for German women and girls a manly youth, the men of tomorrow!”

“I believe we have found the right way to educate a healthy youth. Let me say this to all the literary know-it-alls and philosophers of equality (laughter): Do not deceive yourselves! There are two separate arenas in the life of a nation”: that of men and that of women. Nature has rightly ordained that men head the family and are burdened with the task of protecting their people, the community. The world of the woman, when she is fortunate, is her family, her husband, her children, her home. From there she can see the whole. The two arenas together join to form a community that enables a people to survive. We want to build a common world of both sexes in which each sees its own tasks, tasks that it alone can do and therefore can and must do alone.”

“In my 18 years of struggle, I have gone a way that knowledge and consciousness of duty demanded. I have never left this way. But my life will have meaning only if our people lives, if a healthy posterity matures.

As I travel through Germany, I see in the millions of children nothing less than what gives meaning to all of our work. I see children who in obeying their mothers also obey me. (Stormy applause)

When I see this wonderful growing youth, my work becomes easy. I overcome every weakness. Then I know why I do everything. It is not to build some miserable business that will perish, but rather this work is for something lasting and eternal. A vital part of this future is the German girl, the German woman, the German woman, and thus we meet the girl, the woman, the mother.”

“I do not measure the success of our work by our roads. I do not measure it by our new factories, or our new bridges, or the new divisions. Rather, I measure our success by the effect we have on the German child, the German youth. If they succeed, I know our people will not perish and our work will not have been in vain.”

“I am convinced that no one understands our work better than the German woman. (long-lasting, jubilant applause) Our opponents think that Germany has tyrannized women. I can only reply that without the support and true devotion of the women of the party, I could never have led the movement to victory. (renewed enthusiastic applause) And I know that also in hard times when the know-it-alls and those who think themselves wise lose confidence, women’s hearts will remain true to the movement and be bound forever to me.”

 

*

The Reich Women’s Leader thanked the Führer after the jubilation at the end of his speech had calmed down. In the name of all German women, she promised to work hard to ease his concerns. Not only the Reich Women’s Leader’s words, but also the jubilation of the crowd followed the Führer as he left the hall.

While singing continued in the hall and the women’s leader lead a final “Sieg Heil” as an oath and affirmation to the Führer, the tens of thousands of women waiting outside the hall greeted and thanked the Führer.

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Missed Opportunities by Joseph Goebbels

Wednesday, March 14th, 2012

In Germany people say that the Führer is always right. Abroad, one says he is always lucky. That is only partly true. The Führer has earned his luck. He makes it easy for fate to help him. He acts according to the principle that in politics one must always be ready to take advantage of an opportunity. There is nothing more contemptible than a statesman who fails to rise to an opportunity. The Führer’s enemies practically fall into his hands. That is proof that they are chosen by fate to collapse. A tired and exhausted world declines not only because of its weaknesses, but above all because of its mistakes, its illusions, its faulty sense of reality, and its missed opportunities. It confirms the truth of the proverb: “God makes blind those whom he wishes to punish.” The entire history of National Socialism and its enemies is further proof.

On 14 September 1930, for example, the Führer won his first great electoral victory. The NSDAP won 107 seats in the German Reichstag. The democratic republic faced two choices: to recognize the Führer or to destroy him. The first would have been reasonable and logical, the second difficult but not impossible. The republic did neither. They watched things happen like the rabbit views a snake, giving themselves up to their fate. Only when it was too late, they founded the Iron Front. Only after the National Socialist movement was too big to be stopped by force did the republic try that means, and only when he was the man of the hour did it condescend to take him seriously. The last chance came on 13 August 1932. Once more they missed it, and gave the Führer the time he needed to prepare for National Socialism’s final victory over the parliamentary resistance. This missed opportunity cost the democratic republic its life.

The same story repeated itself in the international arena after the take over. The right day for France and Germany to have taken on the National Socialist movement and the resulting National Socialist state would have been 30 January 1933, or 31 January at the latest.

The Western European plutocrats had two choices: they had either to destroy this new Germany immediately, or to seek a lasting peace with it. The first was at the time still possible, the second would have meant some sacrifice, but nothing all that expensive. It would also have been reasonable and logical. Neither happened. Once again the enemy fell into illusions that did not hurt Germany, but robbed its enemies of sound human judgment.

Our departure from the League of Nations gave our enemies abroad a new, though more difficult, opportunity. They either should have declared war or made peace. Again, they did neither. Again they were hypnotized like the rabbit in front of the snake. They hoped for a German revolution and were so blind that they failed even to study the National Socialist movement, though they knew that it wanted to change the entire balance of power in Europe.

They complained about the introduction of universal military service, but did nothing. They responded to the occupation of the Rhineland with empty threats, but did nothing. There was but a single attempt by the enemy to find a midrange solution: the naval agreement with England. Even that was neutralized through the infamous incitement to war that came from London, which destroyed any possible positive effects of that treaty.

Schuschnigg, for example had the opportunity to be the savior of Austria and the father of the Anschluss— the Führer showed him how. Instead, he missed the opportunity and depended on England’s protection. At the critical hour, he stood alone. It is almost tragi-comic to see how the Führer’s enemies always make the wrong choice. Benesch was in a position to resolve the crisis early on by granting partial autonomy to the Sudeten Germans, which would have removed any grounds for attack on the part of the Reich. He waited too long, made his compromises too late, and like all his predecessors had to pay for it in the end. Beck and Rydz-Smigly could have come to terms with Germany. They only needed to return Danzig to the Reich and accept a small corridor through their corridor. One can hardly imagine that such a step could have saved Poland a year ago. But the men in Warsaw lamented the situation and depended on England, and the temporary Polish state fell in 18 days.

One may say that history is there to teach us lessons! After the experiences of the past three years, one begins to doubt it. Those who opposed the National Socialist movement or the National Socialist state had the ambition to try it themselves, and each paid a high price. We are not even referring to the deafening shouts of enemy propaganda, so embarrassingly stupid that we consider it beneath our dignity to pay any heed to it. But the enemy always had statesmen whose job it really should have been to think more clearly, to consider the real facts of the situation, and avoid expending their wisdom only in well-paid newspaper articles. Even in October of last year, and at the height of his military triumphs of the Polish campaign, the Führer gave his famous speech to the Reichstag in which he offered London and Paris a reasonable and inexpensive peace.

What kind of devil was leading the West European plutocrats to mockingly reject his offer instead of eagerly accepting it! A foreign newspaper wrote a few days ago that if this offer were repeated in its original form, all those money bags in London would eagerly accept it. But if they worked for war with all their strength, why did they not at least prepare for it with all their strength as well?

People often ask: What are Churchill, Chamberlain, and Reynaud really thinking? My answer: About nothing at all. They are thinking just as little as Scheidemann and Braun and Brüning did in their day. They are possessed by such a proud and arrogant superiority complex that they do not believe they have to think at all. Were I English or French, I would be desperately asking what my government had done during the five hard months of winter. The answer has to be: Nothing at all, other than finding cheap victories on paper, fabricating lies and slanders, and urging the hated Germans to start a revolution. That revolution would bring defeat and the partition of the Reich. It would mean the return of a political gigolo like Otto Hapsburg as King of Austria, the loss of the Rhine and Ruhr to France, and Pommeria, Siliesia, and Brandenburg to Poland. The Germans would have to be pleased to eat their meals in French field kitchens at the points of bayonets.

What a delight!

Now our western offensive breaks loose on these plutocrats. They told their soldiers that they needed only to wait at the Maginot Line and hang their washing on the Siefried Line. Now they must send those soldiers into hard and bloody combat.

If one believed the speeches these statesmen gave in the past, one would have to think that they would be delighted with the state of things. They have the war they wanted. Yet they are suddenly yammering that we attacked them. That is not what they wanted. They were thinking of a bloodless war in which German soldiers would not fight, but rather German women and children would starve. Their plan has suddenly collapsed. They sit in their churches and pray. They hypocritically call upon God as their ally, and beg the rest of the world to pull their chestnuts out of the fire and to cool down the soup they have cooked. They hypocritically complain about the fate they have brought upon themselves, and in the same breath invite others to join them.

What can one say to these intellectual athletes and their absolutely crazy proclamations? They do not grow weary of filling the air with their loud cries for help. They remain impudent, superior, stupid and cowardly, small tradesman of politics, who were foolish enough to take on a historical genius who once said he could not forgive fate for giving him only nonentities as opponents.

Is anyone left who will ask for London’s protection? The refusals come from every direction on the compass. And what shall we do with the talkative old gentlemen in London and Paris who, like our former domestic opponents, missed every opportunity and have suddenly begun to talk a bit more quietly? The best thing to do would be to leave them in the hands of their own people for their just reward. Once they realize the scale of the coming catastrophe, they will know what to do with statesmen who have been weighed and found wanting.

History will remember them as gravediggers of a rotten and weary world. One must only give a shove and it will collapse.

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A Unique Age by Joseph Goebbels

Wednesday, March 14th, 2012

History does not repeat itself. As with everything creative, its imagination and opportunities are inexhaustible. However, it always follows eternally valid laws. Because these laws are ignored or violated in the same or similar ways by nations or people, they apparently lead to similar situations or results.

It is therefore wholly wrong to compare this war with the World War, or to seek parallels in their phases. The age in which we live, and this war, are unique in nature and conduct, unparalleled in history. He who attempts to evaluate them by past standards runs the risk of making the worst political and military mistakes.

Even our national situation, and the whole international one, is entirely different than 1914. Because of the sterile foreign policy of the period, we were forced into a two-front war with intolerable military burdens. Furthermore, our people was not psychologically prepared for war. The people had no idea why it was fighting, nor what it was fighting for, and the government did nothing to let it know what the situation was, and what the future would be. The German government missed every diplomatic opportunity to stop London’s encirclement plans. They practically gave their trump cards to the enemy. At the beginning of the war, they were prepared only for the most favorable circumstances, and were thus surprised by unfavorable developments. There formerly had been much better and more promising opportunities to fight the war that had now become unavoidable. They were surprised at the worst possible time, and then declared war themselves, which was to be of decisive psychological significance.

Today, the situation is reversed. The Führer’s brilliant statesmanship succeeded by tireless diplomatic efforts in destroying attempts at encirclement, either in advance or through military means. False claims of neutrality, intended only to provide a march route to Germany, were destroyed, and a dangerous two-front war avoided. Germany’s back is secure in this battle of fate. And our psychological war is being waged most successfully, not only at home, but also in the rest of the world. The nation knows exactly what is at stake. It knows what it is doing, is fully aware of what would happen if it lost the war, and knows the opportunities it will have if it wins. Every conceivable resource is being used in this gigantic struggle. The opponent lost one trump card after another, even before the war began. The Führer prepared for this historic conflict with care and foresight, planning for the worst, and thus preparing for the best. And at the critical hour, the Western plutocracies declared war, clearly putting themselves in the wrong.

During the World War, we faced a deadly blockade. Germany had prepared only militarily, and that in an inadequate way. It was defenseless against a blockade. It had neither practice nor experience, and thus either took no measures at all, or took them so late that they did more harm than good. The rationing system was corrupt, which was a heavy psychological burden for people, and also made a consistent implementation of necessary economic measures impossible. It is therefore no surprise that the Reich succumbed to its enemies in this area in November 1918.

Today our situation in no way resembles the former situation. True, the English-French plutocracy tried again to use the old methods of economic encirclement against the Reich, but these methods have lost their effectiveness. We prepared for a blockade. We knew its deadly effects from the World War, and thus did everything we could to be ready for it. We are prepared economically to wage war. The experiences of the World War were helpful. Our enemies mocked our Four-Year Plan, but it prepared us to survive even the tightest blockade. The Reich secured its economic and agricultural resources in such good time that we are safe from any unpleasant surprise. Corruption is impossible due to the most severe penalties. The Reich has sufficient reserves of raw materials to fight for as long as necessary.

Militarily, we entered the World War without taking full advantage of our enormous population resources.We were then the strongest military power in the world, but could not resist the attack of the entire world. The tragedy of the first historic weeks of the gigantic battle was that we lacked the divisions on our endangered right flank, divisions that we could have had. All the later measures could not help.

Today, the German military has the most modern technical equipment imaginable. The German population is being used fully. The German military is therefore prepared for any offensive. Everything is happening as planned, according to a firm system. Our army’s achievements are beyond all praise. They are admired by the whole world.

In 1914, we were completely on the defensive psychologically. The Reich viewed the war from a middle class perspective, without realizing that we faced a world of enemies who were determined to use every method of falsehood and incitement. The German leadership had no experience in the battle for public opinion. It had no concept at all of the people’s dynamism. It settled for loud shouts of patriotism rather than any real confidence or sovereign spiritual attitude, which alone lead to victory. We faced hate-filled, treacherous and slanderous international enemies who knew how to make the leadership of the Reich look bad in every matter.

How different is our situation this time! Here, too, Germany is clearly on the attack. It knows how to use the weapon of truth with sovereign assurance. Its news policy is fast, practiced, clear and powerful. It is prepared in every last detail to deal with public opinion at home and in the world. The German nation did not enter this war with the momentary enthusiasm of a bonfire, but rather the German people are fighting with clarity and determination. Thus it is no longer possible to use the international atrocity stories that were so extraordinarily dangerous to the Reich during the World War.

And the German army today has the magic aura of invincibility and of a glorious revolution, which is of enormous importance. True, the world is still wavering between limitless hatred and unlimited admiration in its evaluation of this so-called German miracle. But it really was no miracle. Guided by the hand of a genius of historic greatness, the National Socialist system has been victorious. This man’s inspiring effect has awakened the spirit of a new ideal from the old German virtues: the precision of thinking and labor, the fanaticism of systematic preparation, a readiness to sacrifice, the greatest intelligence paired with imagination and inventivenes, sovereign knowledge, boundless enthusiasm on the part of the whole people, a youthful spirit of attack — in short, the ability to make of the German misery forced upon us by our enemies a brilliant virtue. What is it that from the beginning has guaranteed the success of the German military on every battlefield of this war? For the first time in history, creative German genius is freed of all bureaucratic and dynastic restrictions, and now has full freedom. Germany had always been as strong as it is today, but it did not know it. Never before in its history was it able to discipline itself, to use its full strength, and to develop a government structure that allowed it to make full use of its political and military opportunities.

That is yet another reason why a comparison to 1914 is completely wrong. The German people held on for four years only because its inner strength was so strong that it survived all the weaknesses and failures of its government. Today, it is different. The German people is able to fully use its national reserves of strength. What is winning today is a system prepared in 14 years of struggle and in seven years of practical work. It was given its creative spirit by a brilliant political and military genius, and can now live from its own strength.

It is very easy for foreigners to attribute our political and military successes to an improbable sequence of good luck. It is the kind of luck that, as Moltke once said, only the virtuous have over the long term. We therefore face no really serious political or military developments in this war. Our enemies may be forced to imitate our methods, which they hate so much. One often says in the enemy camp that National Socialism can be fought only by using National Socialist methods, or something similar. However, we know only too well how much sweat, how much work, how much experience, and above all how much time, is necessary to achieve even the first successes. Today the enemy camp is shouting: “Arms, arms! More planes, more tanks!” Blind fools! We have exerted our full energy, with an unequaled national rhythm, sacrificing our people’s ease and comfort, to reach our goals. In the seven years we sacrificed to build our military, foreigners mocked our slogan: “First guns, then butter!” Today it is clear that one cannot conquer cannons with butter, but that cannons can conquer butter. From today’s standpoint, they did us a favor in 1918 by taking our old weapons from us. We had to build our German military from the ground up so that it is not only the largest, but also the most modern, army in the world. We spared no expense, no sacrifice, no effort, to ensure that if war came, we would have to, have to, have to win it, or else lose our life as a nation.

Mr. Churchill and Mr. Reynaud will not be able to persuade the world that France and England can recover from the first terrible blows they have received. The parallels that their newspapers draw to 1914 — parallels that show their anxiety and bad conscience — are entirely wrong. In 1914, we had real weaknesses in our national defenses that our enemies could exploit. Today that is no longer the case. Our enemies are recalling retired old generals in their mid-70’s and 80’s, hoping they can provide a second “miracle on the Marne.” We can tell them that history does not repeat itself. It is too much to hope for that after agitating, threatening, and terrorizing the world for years, they can overcome their enemy by an unearned miracle.

Miracles, too, have to be earned. Plutocracy has no way to escape today. It is trapped. It began this war confident that it could wage this war without bloodshed, using only economic blockade. Now it faces the hard necessity of having to fight. Thank God, they have left us in no doubt about what they would do to us if we lose: They prophesy the dissolution, dismemberment and destruction of our Reich and nation. Every German knows that. We had time enough to reflect on it during the long, hard winter months — all of us, German soldiers, farmers, and workers.

The lords of the western plutocracies now have to fight these soldiers. Our farmers grow the daily bread for these soldiers, and the workers behind the front forge their weapons. They all know that in these days, weeks, and months, Germany’s fate for a thousand years to come will be decided. They are deeply aware of living in a unique age. They want to prove worthy of it, thus proving that they are a unique people as well.

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Great Days by Joseph Goebbels

Tuesday, March 13th, 2012

We look back on an historic week.

Last week in this space, we discussed a certain clique of ignorant and narrow-minded people who have no sense for the great era in which we live, who lose their nerve and their inner and outer composure at any difficulty. It makes no difference what is happening. They simply lack open-mindedness, and in comparison to those who are alert to what is happening can only be thought poor and pitiable.

Last Sunday we took the opportunity to discuss the shortage of coffee, and expressed our displeasure with such people. One regrets that they live in our era, because they really do not deserve it.

Our appeal to national discipline sounded rather odd as the growing rumblings from Czecho-Slovakia were increasing by the hour, throwing all of Europe into tension and uncertainty.

Last Sunday and Monday, the various political conflicts began to intensify. The German people began to pay attention. In the past six years, we Germans have become especially sensitive to foreign issues. Even the slightest reaction in the international arena causes our people to pay particular attention to foreign affairs. That was the case here as well. From Monday on, and deep into the night, the people of Berlin gathered at the Wilhelmplatz and outside the Reich Chancellery to await events. That is always a sign that the people are beginning to pay increased attention to world events. They had the impression that storm warnings were out, and they were right. As always, the nation waited in disciplined quiet for the Führer’s decisions and conclusions.

Tuesday was a nerve-wracking day for all the relevant offices in the Reich capital. Hour by hour, the former Czecho-Slovakia was disintegrating into its various parts. The blunder of the Treaty of Versailles existed only to form a military base against Germany. It was near collapse. It was no longer able to fulfill the tasks given it by the Western European democracies in the fall of 1938. In Bohemia, they wanted to establish “an advanced outpost against the Germanic bloc.” As recently as 27 September 1938, the French newspaper “Epoque” wrote: “Czecho-Slovakia is certainly an important strategic card in France’s game, particularly for the air force. Bohemia’s wide spaces are a wonderful base for the air force. If the Bohemian bases were at France’s disposal and were occupied by the Russians, the Allied squadrons would be in the position to strike at the heart of Germany.”

This military mission for Prague’s chauvinists was now obsolete. Czecho-Slovakia’s hour had come. New forces had appeared in Europe, and they were ordering things in this area by different laws. The inner logic of the situation resulted in the collapse of the rotten structure artificially established and held together by Versailles. But new life sprang from the ruins. The old era was replaced by by a younger and more dynamic era.

As State President Hacha came to talk with the Führer shortly after midnight on Tuesday evening, the future of the ancient German lands of Bohemia and Moravia was already determined. It was determined by historical necessity, which was speaking a clear and unmistakable language.

A night of nerve-wracking tension passed. As the Führer finished his proclamation to the German at 5 a.m., an historical decision had taken place.

Shortly after, radio stations told the world that the historic provinces of Bohemia and Moravia had returned to the federation of the Greater German Reich. State President Hacha himself had asked the Führer to assume the protection of these provinces, noting that he “was confidently placing the fate of the Czech people and nation in the hands of the Führer of the German Reich.”

The so-called Czecho-Slovakia ceased to exist. In a single night a nation vanished that in reality had never been a nation. It was the state for which France and England were presumably ready bring Europe to a crisis in fall 1938, perhaps even to plunge it into war. On 4 September 1938 the London “Observer” had written that the British people were ready to stand against the New Order “like a block of steel, and an overwhelming alliance would stand at its side, as in the last war.” Similar voices came from Paris, and had there not been more reasonable, clear-sighted, and clear-thinking statesmen in England and France, the gambling politicians of democracy would have undoubtedly succeeded in provoking an unpredictable catastrophe for the sake of this artificial state. But now the house of cards has fallen.

The night from Tuesday to Wednesday also was a clear affirmation of the correctness of the policies Chamberlain and Daladier had followed in the Czech question, which explains the total lack of reaction in the Western democracies to the collapse of the former Czecho-Slovakia. Naturally the professional warmongers in the hostile German-hating lying press are stuttering out a few emotional diatribes and impudent insults against Germany, but none of them is of any political significance. Nothing can change the facts, and it is evidence of the growing realization in the Western democracies that no significant figure is raising any objection. The justice of Germany’s position is too clear to be disputed.

On Wednesday, the Führer hurried to Bohemia and Moravia to be with the troops marching in, and that evening the Führer’s standard flew over the Castle in Prague. The German people held its breath. Even the last man knew that history was being made. An historic act of symbolic significance was ending a process that could have led to war or peace. The Führer’s clarity, courage, and intelligence are the reason that the signs pointed to peace, not to war.

The Reich Protectorates of the historic provinces of Bohemia and Moravia were proclaimed. It was the conclusion of a historical process that had begun around the year 1000, when the earliest chronicler of Bohemia, the Slav Comas, already thought Bohemia a part of Germany. Through the years, Bohemia and Moravia were bound by feudal ties and other connections to the German Reich. Prague itself has the oldest German university. The most beautiful buildings of the city were built by Germans: the cathedral, the Charles Bridge, the Teyn and Nicholas churches. The prosperity and economic successes of these peoples and provinces have always been strongest when they were under the protection of the Reich.

Now it continues. Central Europe has won back peace. An system has been created in which the stronger of the two neighbors is eager for peace and the weaker has accepted the protection of the stronger, not the other way around. It is a thoroughly reasonable and logical arrangement of the relations between the two peoples. If the weaker has power, it will inevitably attempt to oppress the stronger and weaken its sense of nationhood, since it is the only way to ensure its position. The stronger, on the other hand has no such need. Because it is stronger, it can afford to be generous and to establish a system that gives justice to both nationalities.

That is what has happened here. It is a truly historic decision, and the German people have accepted it as such.

The situation leads us to speak once more to the complaining know-it-alls who at the moment have the good sense not to say anything in the face of the facts. These know-it-alls are always prominent when the nation faces a crisis or when a shortage surfaces. In the face of major successes, they fade into the background, since there is no chance to criticize the National Socialist government or the National Socialist worldview. They cannot understand why we National Socialists, and the whole German people, love our era. This historical event gives us an opportunity to tell them:

We love this era because history is being made. Our hearts beat faster because it has a manly character, because it more important than the temporary difficulties that are part of every great era. We simply cannot understand how some people in the midst of this exciting age can be bothered only be a temporarily reduced coffee ration, or reduced critical freedom, or dogmatic or religious hair-splitting. We love our era because it gives us tasks and challenges, because in it a man has given the German nation life again after many decades of stagnation. We love our age because in a blessed hour problems have been solved that had existed for many hundreds of years, because these problems, so at any rate it seemed, were solved with an almost playful ease that seemed to lay observers almost necessary or self-evident.

This era is our era. We give it the full strength of our heart and mind because it eliminates reasons for conflict and brings about true peace, because it is a proving ground for real talents and manly abilities, because this era is Germany’s great opportunity in which we can help as obedient servants of the Führer. We love this era because its successes and victories lead us to forget all the related troubles and discomforts, because it has taught us to despise a life of safety, ease, and comfort, because the greatness of the era leads us to dare to take on big and apparently unsolvable problems. We National Socialists say openly that we have only pity and contempt for those ignorant people who have no sense at all of the historic era in which we live. How impoverished must the hearts and minds of those be who cannot recognize such an age, who cannot comprehend the great triumphs happening around them because foolish trifles like a temporary shortage of coffee cause them discomfort.

We are not living in their era. They did not bring it about, nor do they have any influence on it.

But we are bound to the era by the laws we follow. Wherever the Führer may act, we stand by him in loyal obedience and thank fate that it gave us such a great era. We experience the era with all our being, and in its blessed hours are always overjoyed that we are the children of this era.

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